In Burma's  troubled Rakhine state, latest estimates put the number of "internally  displaced persons" at more than 70,000 people.
Southeast Asia correspondent,  Zoe Daniel, has had a rare opportunity to see for herself what is going  inside Rakhine's borders.
Presenter: Richard Ewart
Correspondent: Zoe Daniel, South  East Asia correspondent
DANIEL: The communities living  in segregated circumstances, essentially the Muslim people are largely  living in camps segregated from the ethnic Rakhine people who are still  living in town, particularly in Sittwe which is the main city in Rakhine  State. So as you said around 70-thousand displaced people are living  both in those Muslim camps and also displaced Rakhine people are living  in monasteries within the towns themselves. There's still a high level  of tension between the communities to the point that the Muslim people  are really not able to go into the towns to buy food supplies for  example. They really are living outside the main community.
EWART: Now I gather that while  you were down there that the officialdom was keeping a pretty close eye  on what you were up to. So bearing that in mind I mean were you able to  talk to officials, and if so what were they telling you?
DANIEL: Yes we were able to talk  with officials and look while we were very closely monitored, we  weren't prevented from doing anything, and we were able to speak with  some local government officials, in particular we interviewed the  Attorney General of Rakhine State who's involved in a 
community  program to try to bridge the gap between the Rakhine people and the  Muslim community. And he said that while at the moment they're pursuing  this policy of segregation, he denies that they see that as a permanent  solution, and this is one of the concerns that's obviously being raised  about this idea of separating the two groups. He says that this has to  be done at the moment because the tension remains very high. But they  are hopeful that the communities can once again be integrated as soon as  possible. I'd have to say though that I think that's going to be very  difficult just because the level of tension remains very high, and that  was extremely evident to us. In one instance a group of Muslim people  from one of the camps came to the main market to buy supplies under  guard of the riot police, and they were chased away by people wielding  sticks and throwing stones, because of concern if they entered the  market that could lead to violence, unrest and perhaps that the market  may be burnt down or something similar to the sort of unrest that we saw  back in June.
EWART: So against that  background I imagine that people on both sides I mean they're having to  endure this sort of state of uneasy calm and not really knowing quite  what the future holds for them?
DANIEL: Yes I think both sides  are finding the situation extremely difficult. The Rakhine people who  are still in their houses, so who didn't have their homes damaged in the  violence are very fearful. There's a very high level of anxiety about  what will happen next. The few thousand Rakhine people, I think the  number now is three-and-a-half to four-thousand who are still living in  monasteries because their homes were burnt, obviously have a very  uncertain future and are unsure what permanent housing they will  eventually be settled in and where that will be. The government is  building some housing for them, but that will be some distance off. So  they're all living together in very difficult conditions in very heavy  rain in the monasteries. And then you have tens of thousands of Muslim  people who are living in essentially makeshift camps separated from the  main community in which they once worked and lived, unable to make an  income, therefore totally dependent on food aid for example for  survival. So it's a really very difficult situation for all the people  in Rakhine State no matter what their background.
EWART: Now we were speaking on  the program yesterday to Benedict Rogers, human rights advocate and  author, he's written extensively on Burma, travelled there many times,  sometimes when he wasn't supposed to be because of the blacklist of  course that's existed. But he suggested that the army potentially are  stirring the pot in Rakhine in an effort to maintain some sort of grip  on power, to maintain their relevance. I mean did you see or hear  anything to support that view?
DANIEL: Well I know that that  view's been put about. I didn't see anything to support that view.  Whether that was the case back in June though is sort of a different  question. I think one potential issue that was happening in June was  that many of the soldiers were of the Rakhine ethnic group. Now they've  brought in other soldiers who are from different ethnic backgrounds who  may not be as close to the issue. And they obviously have, because of  the state of emergency that was declared there, there are many more  military men on the ground there now. But what we saw was essentially  the army and the police monitoring. There was no evidence of anyone  really stirring anything up. But what is happening is that the  communities are being kept separate in order to avoid any violence  blowing up. But as I've already said the sustainability of that is  highly questionable.
EWART: So therefore the chances  for any kind of permanent settlement would appear to be at least as far  away as ever?
DANIEL: I find it very difficult  to see what the permanent resolution will be just because the average  person that you speak to, be they Muslim or Rakhine, can't see  themselves living peacefully with the other group again. Therefore how  do you move forward? And whlie it's clearly questionable whether  segregation of the communities is a permanent solution, I can in a way  understand why authorities have done that, just simply to keep the peace  for the moment while they try to work out what to do, because it really  does appear to be still a tinderbox, and putting those communities back  together at this point really does seem like it would be a bad idea.
EWART: And animosity that  obviously exists between the two sides. I mean does that spread  throughout society on both sides or is this being driven by a minority?
DANIEL: Look it's hard to say  because obviously we're only able to speak to a limited number of  people. But everyone we spoke to had this view. The view is very  pervasive from the Rakhine side that the Muslim people don't belong  there, that they have for example for many years, and this is an  allegation, been attempting to recruit Rakhine people to Islam. There's a  lot of negativity from the Rakhine side towards the Muslim people. To  even use the term Rohingya, which is the term that the Muslim people use  to describe themselves, really does raise the ire of the Rakhine people  because they don't recognise that. And then the Muslim people very much  feel that they've had very few rights for a long time and that they've  been unfairly treated and repressed by the local community. So the  debate on the face of it among the local people on both sides is  completely polarised.