An appeal for peace in Rakhine State | Tun Khin

(Commentary) – One thing that kept the military regimes in place in Burma for more than 60 years is the ability of the Burmese military to divide and rule. They have used divide and rule tactics between Burmans and ethnics, between Burmans and Burmans and between ethnics and ethnics. They have also used divide and rule tactics between Rohingya and Rakhine.

Tun Khin of the Burmese Rohingya Organization UK. photo: screenshotMy older relatives tell me of a time when there wasn’t the same level of mistrust or even hatred between Rohingya and Rakhine. There was no voice of opposition heard from any quarters, including Rakhine, over the recognition of Rohingyas as an ethnic group during U Nu’s era. 

My relatives remember government radio broadcasting in the Rohingya language during U Nu’s time as prime minister. I remember as a child playing with Rakhine friends and visiting each other’s homes to eat.

The reasons for the current level of mistrust and violence between the communities are many, but by far the greatest reason, and at the root of why the situation has become so bad, are lies and propaganda that began to be spread about the Rohingya when Ne Win became dictator.

Ne Win rewrote history, invented Burmese propaganda and lies, and introduced discriminatory policies against the Rohingya. Some of these policies where enshrined in law, such as the 1982 Citizenship Law, while others were in practice, increasing harassment by security forces and discrimination.

Decades of lies and propaganda, underpinned by the 1982 Citizenship Law, which stripped us of citizenship and the rights that come with it, have institutionalized the hatred and discrimination. Of course there were always some tensions, as there often is when two communities of different ethnicities and religions live side by side. But Ne Wins lies and propaganda encouraged those differences, and encouraged hatred, rather than building community cohesion and understanding. 

It breaks my heart to see the situation in Rakhine State today. There is so much suffering. In the recent violence and then the attacks by government forces, mainly Rohingya have suffered, but I know that some Rakhine people have suffered as well.

Aid being promised by Muslim countries and the international community could be used not just to assist in the current humanitarian crisis, but also for long-term projects to fight poverty and promote development in Rakhine State. 

International donors should not just be talking to the government about aid and development. Instead they should talk to local community leaders, and let us work jointly together to promote development that not only helps both communities, but also in the process promotes communal understanding and brings us closer together. Let both sides experience first-hand the benefits of us working together, how it will benefit both communities. Because fighting poverty together, as well as politically struggling for democracy and human rights, united and working together, we are all stronger. 

Rohingyas with a long history in Arakan are an integral part of Burma’s society. All Rohingya people want is to live peacefully in Burma, with our human rights respected. 

Burma is our homeland. It is impossible to force all Rohingya people out of the country. The only solution is for us to work together to find a way to live peacefully together. 

That means Rakhine trying to understand the situation from a Rohingya perspective, and Rohingya also trying to understand the concerns of Rakhine. They are living together with their Rakhine compatriots in the same place, drinking the same water and breathing the same air. 

There is no point in being antagonistic to each other. It hurts all of us, our children and their children to come. Unless both Rohingya and Rakhine cultivate the political will to change this situation, we both suffer. 

Divided we all suffer. The only winner is President Thein Sein and the military and ex-military, which have oppressed us all for so long. Let us revive our traditional relationship for the sake of our children. Let us work together on democratic principles with mutual respect, love and affection. 

That is my appeal to all Rakhine.

Tun Khin is president of the Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK. His grandfather was a parliamentary secretary during the democratic period in Burma.

Rohingya group calls for world leaders’ help

The Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (Brouk) has appealed to world leaders at the 67th UN General Assembly meeting in New York to put pressure on President Thein Sein following his proposal to remove all Rohingya people from Burma and place them in refugee camps or third countries.

Rohingya refugee women stand by their homes in Cox's Bazaar District, Bangladesh, on June 7, 2011. Conditions in the makeshift refugee camp site are difficult. In addition to high rates of malnutrition, residents deal with crowding and poor sanitation. Photo: U.S.State DepartmentIt called on world bodies to ensure the Burmese government provides human rights and security to Rohingyas living in Burma.

After President Thein Sein's proposal, Brouk said it has received reports that there have been mass arrests of Rohingya people who are now kept in detention camps without trial, adequate food or medical services. 

More than 100,000 people were internally displaced in Rakhine State, and for a significant period the vast majority was not receiving assistance because they were ethnic Rohingya, Brouk said in a statement issued on Wednesday.

“Unacceptable restrictions still remain, and the government is also failing to provide sufficient security for aid workers assisting Rohingya who have been threatened,” it said. “Local authorities are refusing to allow many Rohingya people back to some villages, shops and homes in a policy that appears designed to ‘cleanse’ these areas of Rohingya people. 

“There are some reports of mass graves in Maungdaw and Buthidaung Townships, Arakan State,” it said. “It is clear that what has taken place is very serious indeed. The United Nations, Organisation of Islamic Co-operation, and many individual governments, have all called for an independent investigation into what has and continues to take place.”

It said the Burmese government has allowed some diplomats to visit the area, but these visits faced severe restrictions, and there have been reports that Rohingya community leaders have been detained before hand to prevent them from meeting diplomats. 

“The government of Burma has established its own investigation, but there are no Rohingya members of the investigation, and some members have masterminded recent violence in Arakan and stated that they think all Rohingya should be expelled from Burma,” said the statement.

“Following restrictions placed upon the OIC and other investigators, and the failure of the government of Burma to establish a credible independent investigation, it has become clear that for an independent investigation to take place, it will have to be under the support of the United Nations, and with a strong mandate from the United Nations General Assembly,” said Brouk, which said it is “too early” to remove sanctions against Burma.

“There are serious human rights violations going on in ethnic areas which are worse than under the previous dictator Than Shwe,” it said. “The world leaders must not ignore ethnic cleansing of Rohingya Muslims and other ethnic groups such as Kachin and Chin Christians. It is too early to remove sanctions as Thein Sein's government is practicing ethnic cleansing on ethnic areas.”

Brouk President Tun Khin said, “We appeal to world leaders to put pressure on President Thein Sein to provide safety and security and to restore Rohingya ethnic rights and citizenship rights. 

“We also appeal to world leaders to ensure strong wording in the UN General Assembly Resolution on Burma, including reform of the 1982 Citizenship Law and the establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry into what has taken place in Arakan State.”

An Outcry of World Most Persecuted Rohingya inside Arakan

Maungdaw (24/09/2012) - In a mail coming from inside Arakan; a Rohingya is asking as “why they (the government) are arresting us. Not a single Buddhist is arrested but why us? Why?” He may unaware that the politics of today is stand only for the interest of the world countries. He may have a hope as the visits of UN, US will assist them to stop nightmares they are facing since last June. The poor Rohingya also did not know the world countries of super power as how they hungry to do business with Burmese brutal regime and their voices in favor of stop the violence are just like singing while taking a bath inside bathroom.   

Even his questions in the mail can be defined as he expected his entire fellow Rohingyas who reached outside the country are very able to give them protection. 

He mentioned some names who were arrested in recent by Burmese brutal law enforced agencies as: 

         1.Mohammed Youos son of Omar Kazi, (28) years 

         2.Abdur Rahman son of Hussein Ahmed (29) years 

They both are from Kan Bu village of Aley Than Kyaw village tract and arrested by Border Security force at 8:00 pm on 19/9/2012.

 

       3.Khaleq Ahmed son of Younos, (40) years from Myoma Kayindan was arrested by          Police inspector Aung Kyaw Kan and group on 21/9/2012 in front of Maungdaw Custom Office. 

Another argument to be raised here as is not a single Bhuddist among all who were engaged themselves on killing Rohingyas since June involved into that violence to take into custody? Is not enough evidence to take as the violence is backed by government to sweep out Muslim Rohingya from Arakan soil? Indeed it is ethnic cleansing and the government very cleverly planned it by taking times to formulate it as communal riot. 

The sender’s last question is “Could you acknowledge what they are doing on Rohingya?” He further said Please REPLY me. If someone has answer for him and dare to answer his question, please reply him. 

Compiled by Ko Ko Linn.

Arakan News Updates September 25, 2012 .

Numbers of Rohingyas Beaten Up in ShweZa Yesterday 

ShweZa, Maung Daw- about 30 Rohingya shopkeepers were severely beaten up and tortured at Zaydi Pyin in the village of ShweZa around 1 AM, 24th September 2012, by NaSaKa (Border Security Guards) in the region. Later, NasaKa extorted money amounting Kyat 10000 from each Rohingya shopkeepers and released them. 

“While Rohingya shopkeepers were sleeping in their shops as a means of guarding their shops from thieves and robbers, NaSaKa from the nearby station and raided all shops in Zaydi Pyin village around 1 AM. Then, NaSaKa dragged the shopkeepers out of their shops, while some shopkeepers managed to escape. Subsequently, NaSaKa severely beat and tortured them to their satisfactions. Later, NasaKa released them by extorting money amounting ten thousands kyats from each Rohingya shopkeepers” said a local Rohingya on the condition of anonymity. 

Since the violence against Rohingyas started in June, many Rohingyas cannot sleep in their homes in the fear of being arrested and persecuted. They sleep wherever possible. Those who have shops sleep in their shops so as to avoid arbitrary arrests and also to guard their shops from being robbed and stolen. 

Two Rohingyas Killed in AlayThan Kyaw 

AlayThan Kyaw, Maung Daw- Two Rohingya men, Hamidullah Son of Gula Ahmed and Jashimuddin Son of Hussein Ahmed, were killed by Military together with Rakhines at Hojjar Bil@ Kanpu Village of AlayThan Kyaw in the evening of 19th September 2012 while they were working in their farms. Rakhines who killed these two Rohingyas are from Mrawaddy village of Southern Maung Daw. 

“They were working on their paddy firms in the evening of 19th September 2012. Meanwhile, around 10 military and a few Rakhines from nearby Mrawaddy village came to their firms and killed them. Then, they threw their dead bodies by the farms and went back” A. Faiz from Southern Maung Daw reported. 

Later, the villagers reported about the killings to the NaSaKa office and to the Sarapha (State Security Affairs) office in AlayThan Kyaw. It was ignored and no actions were taken. 

Religious Persecutions Continue 

Arakan, Burma- Since the beginning of the violence against Rohingyas, the authority declared curfew order which prevents Rohingyas from performing their daily prayers in the Mosques. Almost all the mosques have been locked down since then. According to Rohingyas, there have still been no Azaan, no five times prayers and Friday prayers. Most of their religious leaders were arrested, locked up, are tortured and charged with pre-planned false cases. The declared curfew order is infinitely in effect upon Rohingyas not known when it will end. Yet, Burmese regime is blatantly lying that Rohingyas are not religiously persecuted and hence it is not a religious violence. Above all, if it is not a religious violence, then what is it?

Nasaka (Burma’s border security force) continue arrest Rohingyas in Arakan

Nasaka (Burma’s border security force) personnel, military and police are continuing arrest and harass the Rohingya Muslims in Maungdaw, said a local elder on condition of anonymity.

“Many Rohingyas were arrested over the allegation that they were involved in the recent communal violence which was happened in June 8.”

They arrested have been identified as Jaffar (50), son of Ullah Meah, Kamal Hussain (35), son Shormuluk, Sona Meah (40), son of Noor Ahmed. They all belong to Shwe Zarr village tract of Maungdaw. Besides, Kala Ahmed, hailed from Sikder Para (village tract) of Maungdaw town was also arrested. They were arrested by Nasaka and police on September 17 to 22, according to sources.

Among them, two were released after taking huge money by the Nasaka personnel of Shwe Zarr out-posts No. 14, under Maungdaw town, and Jaffar has been detained in the camp since September 17, as he was not able to fulfill Nasaka’s demand. As a result, he was severely tortured in the camp, sources added.

But, Kala Ahmed has been detained so far in the police camp of Maungdaw.

The situation of north Arakan is not developed and the persecutions against Rohingya are going on though the international communities are giving pressure to Burmese government. Meanwhile, all the Rohingya villagers are kept in the villages and are not allowed to go out from their villages. How will they survive without doing any works to support their family members? There are many laborers and poor family members, if they do not do works, from where they will get money. Now, they are starving. Why do the international communities do not take stern action against the government? , said a local elder preferring not to be named.

It seems that the Burmese government does not take any care to the international community. The concerned authorities are implementing their policies against the Rohingya community as they like, said a local leader from Maungdaw on condition of anonymity.

Roots of violence, hatred run deep | BENJAMIN ZAWACKI

The Rohingya problem in Myanmar stems from the systematic discrimination against this ethnic and religious minority.

MUCH has been written lately, either empathetically or as a challenge, of Myanmar’s “Rohingya problem”. Since early June, the Rohingya have borne the brunt of communal violence, human rights violations, and an urgent humanitarian situation in Rakhine State, and face an uncertain future. But when considered more closely, is that all? What really is the problem?

The events of this year, as well as the violent events of 1978, 1992, 2001, and 2009, are attributable to systemic discrimination against the Rohingya in Myanmar. That is, to a political, social, and economic system – manifested in law, policy, and practices – designed to discriminate against this ethnic and religious minority.

This system makes such direct violence against the Rohingya far more possible and likely than it would otherwise be. Further, in the eyes of the Myanmar authorities at least – as evidenced by the lack of accountability for the civilians and officials alike – discrimination also makes the violence and violations somehow justifiable. That is the problem.

In 1978’s “Dragon King” operation, the Myanmar army committed widespread killings and rape of Rohingya civilians and carried out the destruction of mosques and other religious persecution. That resulted in the exodus of an estimated 200,000 Rohingya to neighbouring Bangladesh.

A similar campaign of forced labour, summary executions, torture and rape in 1992 led to a similar number of Rohingyas again fleeing across the border.

In February 2001, communal violence between the Muslim and Buddhist populations in Sittwe resulted in an unknown number of people killed and Muslim property destroyed.

Late 2009 featured the pushing back by Thai authorities onto the high seas of several boats – lacking adequate food, water, and fuel – of Rohingyas in the Andaman Sea.

It is true that all of these events have similar, separate equivalents in countries in which systemic discrimination does not take place.

Yet in Myanmar such discrimination provides the violence with a ready-made antecedent, expressly approved by the state. Indeed, to varying degrees, the five seminal events noted above were simply exacerbations of this underlying discrimination.

It would overstate the causality to assert that if Myanmar had never put its system of discrimination against the Rohingya into place, these events would not have occurred. Eliminating it now, however, is urgently required for a sustainable future peace in Rakhine State and, equally important, is a human rights imperative.

The system’s anchor is the 1982 Citizenship Law, which in both design and implementation effectively denies the right to a nationality to the Rohingya population. It supercedes all previous citizenship regimes in Myanmar of 1947, 1948, and 1974.

The 1982 Citizenship Law creates three classes of citizens – full, associate, and naturalised – none of which has been conferred on the Rohingya. Full citizenship is reserved for those whose ancestors settled in Myanmar before the year 1823 or are among Myanmar’s more than 130 recognised national ethnic groups, of which the Rohingya is not one.

Associate citizens are those who were both eligible and applied for citizenship under the 1948 Union Citizenship Act. Requiring an awareness of the law that few Rohingya had and a level of proof that even fewer were able to provide, this included few Rohingya.

Likewise with naturalised citizenship, eligible for those who resided in Myanmar for five continuous years on or before 1948. Moreover, with all three classes, a Central Body has the discretion to deny citizenship even where the criteria are met.

The 1982 Citizenship Law’s discriminatory effects are also extremely consequential. The main one is that the Rohingya, lacking citizenship in Myanmar, have been rendered stateless, both unable to avail themselves of the protection of the state and – as has been the case for decades – subject to policies and practices which constitute violations of their human rights and fundamental freedoms.

While not limited to Rohingyas, they are not imposed in the same manner and to the same degree on Buddhists or other Muslims in Rakhine State.

This is systemic discrimination. Laws, policies, and practices, though designed and carried out by people, are ultimately part of or attributable to a system that ensures discrimination even in the absence of discriminatory individuals.

And it is patently unlawful.

As a member of the United Nations, Myanmar is legally obliged to promote “universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion”, as written in Articles 55 and 56 of the UN Charter.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights – though admittedly not a binding document – provides in Article 2 that everyone is entitled to all the rights in the Declaration “without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

It is clear that Myanmar, as a state party to this Convention, is in violation of its international legal obligations pertaining to the right of Rohingya children to a nationality.

Solutions? Myanmar should substantially amend the 1982 Citizenship Law or repeal and redraft it, such that the Rohingya are indisputably made citizens.

Rohingyas born in Myanmar who would otherwise be stateless should be granted citizenship, as should those who are not born there but are able to establish a genuine and effective link to the country.

Myanmar should also eliminate its policies and practices that discriminate against the Rohingya on the grounds of ethnicity and/or religion.

Myanmar’s “Rohingya problem” is almost entirely of its own making. More than any other single step, dismantling its system of discrimination would bring it closer to a solution.

Benjamin Zawacki is the South-East Asia Regional Representative of the International Development Law Organisation and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. The views expressed here are his own, adapted from remarks given earlier last week at “Plight of the Rohingya: Solutions?”, a conference organised by the Perdana Global Peace Foundation in Kuala Lumpur.

The Rohingya conundrum

Since May this year, Myanmar has witnessed an escalation in the simmering tension between two groups of people in Rakhine State. The violence between the Rakhine (also known as Arakan) and Rohingya (also known as Bengali) has led to the death of at least 88 people and displacement of thousands of others. Unofficial reports, however, put the number of deaths in the hundreds.

The immediate cause of the violence was the rape and murder of a Rakhine Buddhist woman on May 28 by three male Rohingya. This was followed by a retaliatory killing of 10 Muslims by a mob of Rakhine on June 3. It should be noted that tension between these two groups has existed for several decades.

Several questions are being routinely asked: Why has little apparently been done to resolve the conflict? Is there a possibility of reaching a permanent solution to this protracted problem? Much blame has also been directed at both the Myanmar government and the opposition, led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

As members of the international community are trying to promote their own national interests in newly democratic Myanmar, sectarian violence such as we have seen in Rakhine State has not been paid serious attention, especially by Western powers.

While Human Rights Watch has criticised the Myanmar government for failing to prevent the initial unrest, majority Muslim nations, such as Indonesia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Malaysia have criticised what they allege is discrimination against the Rohingya based on their religious beliefs.

The sensitivity of the issue has silenced many from discussing it publicly. Even the internationally acclaimed human rights champion and leader of the democratic opposition, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, has made only brief comments about the conflict, emphasising the need to establish an adequate citizenship law.

The root of the problem begins with the nomenclature itself. Although many of the Muslims in Rakhine State call themselves Rohingya, the Myanmar government and many of the country’s citizens call them illegal Bengali migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh.

Since the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh have refused to accept them as their citizens, the Rohingya have automatically become stateless under international law. Under such circumstances, are there any possible solutions to the problem?

President U Thein Sein suggested that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) should consider resettling the Rohingya in other countries. Although such proposal may sound ideal to many, there would definitely be challenges in terms of implementation.

For example, will there be a nation or nations willing to welcome and embrace the million or so Rohingya people? Moreover, UNHCR chief Antonio Guterres has rejected the idea of resettlement. Even if the agency reconsidered its position, would the UNHCR offices in Myanmar and Bangladesh have adequate resources to process such a large number of people?

One possible solution is for the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh to reach an amicable arrangement to integrate the Rohingya population into their respective societies. There are about 800,000 Rohingya inside Myanmar and another 300,000 in Bangladesh.

This proposition also has its own challenges. Chiefly, will the indigenous Rakhine accept Rohingya as their fellow citizens and live peacefully with them? On the other hand, will the Bangladesh government change its policy and offer citizenship to the Rohingya?

Another possible solution is that Myanmar can amend its 1982 citizenship law to pave the way for the Rohingya to apply for citizenship. As Minister for Immigration and Population U Khin Yi told Radio Free Asia recently, under the existing law foreigners can apply for citizenship only if they are born in Myanmar, their parents and grandparents have lived and died in Myanmar, they are literate in Burmese and meet some additional criteria.

Finally, to prevent a further escalation in tensions, the governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh need to secure their porous international borders to prevent illegal movements.

None of the above suggested policies are simple and easy to achieve. Despite the challenges and difficulties, the Rohingya issue cannot be ignored for too long. Without addressing the crux of the problem, the May incident and the violence it sparked could recur, with even more tragic consequences.

Until a solution is achieved, international institutions, such as the United Nations and Association of Southeast Asian Nations, should pressure the Myanmar government to take steps to resolve the problem of Rohingya statelessness in a holistic manner, rather than inciting, or allowing others to incite, hatred along religious or racial lines.

(Nehginpao Kipgen is general secretary of the United States-based Kuki International Forum. His research interests include political transition, democratisation, human rights, ethnic conflict and identity politics and he has written numerous peer-reviewed and non-academic articles on the politics of Myanmar and Asia.)