Hillary Clinton visit: Burma hails new chapter in ties

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hillary Clinton is the first secretary of state to visit Burma since 1955

Burmese President Thein Sein has hailed a "new chapter" in relations with the US during talks with Hillary Clinton in the capital, Nay Pyi Taw.

Mrs Clinton, the most senior American to visit the country in half a century, told the president she was "encouraged" by recent policy changes.
The US maintains tight sanctions on senior figures in Burma's hierarchy.
But a series of reforms this year has led to speculation that decades of isolation could be about to end.
However, US officials have stressed that there is unlikely to be any major announcements on sanctions during Mrs Clinton's trip.
Analysts say the US is more likely to consider symbolic gestures such as upgrading its mission in Burma to a full embassy.
Mrs Clinton's talks with Burma's leadership got under way on Thursday when she met Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin before the talks with President Thein Sein.
"I am here today because President Obama and myself are encouraged by the steps that you and your government have taken to provide for your people," Mrs Clinton told Thein Sein as the two sat down for talks.
Thein Sein said her visit would prove to be a "milestone".
"Your excellency's visit will be historic and a new chapter in relations," he said before the start of the closed-door meeting.
BBC state department correspondent Kim Ghattas, travelling with Mrs Clinton, says the top US diplomat's visit is both a reward for the reforms that have already taken place and an incentive for Burma's government to do more.
The US secretary of state said before the trip she was quite hopeful that "flickers of progress" could transform into a real movement for change.
'No resistance' Mrs Clinton is the first secretary of state to visit Burma since 1955.
The country was taken over by the military in 1962 and ruled by a brutal and unpredictable junta until last year, when the army ceded power to a nominally civilian government.

REFORM IN BURMA

• 7 Nov 2010: First polls in 20 years
• 13 Nov: Aung San Suu Kyi freed from house arrest
• 30 Mar 2011: Transfer of power to new government complete
• 14 Aug: Aung San Suu Kyi allowed to leave Rangoon on political visit
• 19 Aug: Aung San Suu Kyi meets Burmese President Thein Sein
• 6 Oct: Human rights commission established
• 12 Oct: More than 200 political prisoners freed
• 13 Oct: New labour laws allowing unions passed
• 17 Nov: Burma granted Asean chair in 2014
• 18 Nov: NLD says it is rejoining political process

Although the government is still dominated by figures from the previous military regime, it has introduced several important reforms, and released groups of political prisoners.

The visit comes weeks after President Barack Obama toured Asia and made a series of announcements bolstering American commitments in the region.
Observers have portrayed the new US focus on Asia as an attempt to counter China's attempts to become the pre-eminent power in the area.
And Chinese state media has reacted furiously to Mrs Clinton's visit to Burma.
The Global Times, which often runs bombastic nationalistic editorials, warned the US not to impinge on China's interests.
"China has no resistance toward Myanmar [Burma] seeking improved relationship with the West, but it will not accept this while seeing its interests stamped on," said a comment piece in the paper.
China has invested heavily in Burma, particularly in the energy sector.
But big Chinese-funded projects such as a hydroelectric dam in the north have provoked resentment among Burmese and led to an upsurge in fighting between ethnic rebels and the army.
Mrs Clinton landed in the remote capital, Nay Pyi Taw, on Wednesday afternoon. After her meeting with Thein Sein, she is due to head to the main city Rangoon to meet pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Ms Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy recently re-registered as a political party, and she is expected to stand for parliament in forthcoming by-elections.
The NLD had operated outside the political system for two decades, and Ms Suu Kyi spent much of that time in detention. She was freed shortly after the current government came to power.

Can Clinton, Suu Kyi change Burma?

(Commentary) – As the first U.S. secretary of state to visit Burma in 50 years, Hillary Clinton’s trip marks a turning point, and there is high expectation that Burma may finally be coming out of the cold.

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton speaks during the Special Session on Gender at the Fourth High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Korea on November 30, 2011. Photo: AFP

Soon after its independence from Britain, British travel writer Norman Lewis wrote in the early 1950s that in comparison to Vietnam, Burma had remained isolated and mysterious.  He wrote that “while in Vietnam the established authority was challenged by a united opposition with a single ideology, the Burmese government was opposed by two separate bands of communists, two versions of a heterogeneous organization called the People’s Voluntary Organization, in which many bandits had enrolled, 10,000 or so Seven Day Adventist Karens, and a small army of mutinous military police.”
Even today, while resisting the central government’s ethnocentric nationalism and chauvinism for decades, Burma’s various opposition groups, while they share a common goal for democracy, have never unified under a common leadership or set of principles.
Following the Saffron Revolution of 2007, the Burmese military regime was viewed negatively by the world at-large. With the fresh memory of monks’ blood on their hands, it could no longer use the blunt force of violence against Aung San Suu Kyi, as it did during the 2003 Depayin Massacre. The army finally released Suu Kyi from house arrest in 2010, but it has continued its brutal assaults on ethnic minorities in conflict areas. However, simultaneously, the new government began a concerted charm offensive on all fronts, including it pursuit of separate cease-fires with armed ethnic groups.
The military’s rapid warming up to Suu Kyi and the NLD caught many in the political opposition camp by surprise. There was no time to openly discuss or mull over the political choices made by Suu Kyi, but people trusted her instincts. However, some political factions still remain far apart in areas throughout the country.
Looking back to 1886, James George Scott wrote, “Large trading towns of Burma will be for all practical purposes absorbed by the Chinese traders, just as in Singapore... And Burma is a country that has never known, and can never know, famine except as a direct result of civil war and misrule. It is perhaps a pity that the Burmese have not more vigor about them, but, on the other hand, it would be a pity if so simple and contented and genial a people were to be spoilt by a new and sordid desire for the acquisition of wealth.”
Burma and China seemed so utterly different then, but since the 1988 crackdown in Burma and the 1989 uprising in China, the two countries have become key political and economic allies. The question is whether the United States can now move Burma from its deep embrace of China?

Burmese opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi meets with musicians in November to discuss songs to use in the campaigns of National League for Democracy candidates. Photo: Mizzima

With the assassination of General Aung San, the father of Suu Kyi, after Burma’s independence from Britain, the dream of a peaceful and democratic Burma quickly faded. Distrustful of the population, the Burmese army took over political and economic control, and according to commentator Mary P. Callahan, “after cleaning house inside the army, Gen. Ne Win led the ultimate offensive against civilian parliamentary rule in March 1962.”  Again in 1990, under a new name and a new set of army generals, an even more brutal military junta grabbed political power back from the election-winning National League for Democracy. Callahan concluded that there would be no easy solutions to the problem of dissembling this security-obsessed state and replacing it with a new one that treats citizens with dignity and accountability. The removal of the handful of top generals and colonels from the government, and their replacement with fraudulently elected officials, will not transform the century-old command relationship between the state and society overnight.
Callahan also rightly noted that many ethnic minority leaders question whether a democratic government based in central Burma would really commit national resources to development programs in ethnic border areas. And as the world focuses on Suu Kyi and her political party, many minority leaders worry that their needs are not being taken into account.
The political uncertainty in Burma’s tortured history rivals that of Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping. Surely a change of clothes from military uniforms to civilian garb cannot, at this stage, be equated with a true change of heart to embrace genuine democratic reforms in Burma.
Regardless, Clinton’s visit signifies the Americans’ willingness to invest major political capital in Burma. Clinton brings with her not only the momentum of a global outcry for freedom, but also as a leading member of the U.S. administration, she can also use her influence to help reconcile Burma’s various political factions, including the military, democracy activists, and ethnic nationalities.
As Suu Kyi says, most Burmese may not understand English, but they all know the meaning of democracy and freedom. So far, Suu Kyi seems to have set aside her differences with Thein Sein. The recent gains, including the halt of a major dam project, the symbolic release of a handful of political prisoners, and the slight relaxation of press freedoms have been attributed to their renewed relations.
Whether it is only a superficial gesture or a true commitment on the part of the current Burmese government, as Ko Myat Soe, a former student leader now living in the United States, observed, twilight is finally descending on the dictators. This is a perfect time for Clinton to go to Burma and meet with Suu Kyi.
Even though she has been released from house arrest, like all other Burmese, Suu Kyi is not yet truly free. In order to fulfill her promises and those made by her father, Burma still has to release all political prisoners and must bestow equal political rights on ethnic nationalities by laying down the groundwork for a true and democratic political process.
For Clinton, it’s a little bit of a tightrope walk right now. It requires delicate steps, one by one. But one thing is certain: it’s the twilight of the military dictators in Burma. Everyone in Burma, including the generals, wants U.S. help. Expectations are high. This is a once in a lifetime opening in which the world’s two most respected women can bring positive change to Burma.

Five millions kyat for village administration officer post in Maungdaw

Maungdaw, Arakan State: A Rohingya had given five millions kyat for village administration officer post to District administration officer in Maungdaw recently, according to politician from Maungdaw.

“Rashid, the Rohingya, had given five millions kyat to U Aung Myint Soe, the district administration officer of Maungdaw who supervised the village administration officer election in the villages of Maungdaw Township.”

“The money was carried by Ahyas hailed from Poung Zarr - a notorious collaborator of authority- for district administration officer of Maungdaw U Aung Myint Soe.” 

“The money was given for the election of Labawzarr village administration officer.”

But, the villagers from Labawzarr village supported and casted their vote to Kaseim for their village head of the administration office and win in the election while it was held, said a school teacher from Labawzarr.

“The villagers didn’t support Rashid as their village administration officer and now the Ahyas who took money from Rashid, is trying to change the result of election and to appoint Rashed as head of village administration office with money.”

We are worrying for Kaseim, as  Ahyas and Rashed are trying to use the power of district administration officer  with bribing five millions kyat to him, said an elder from the Labawzarr village.

Bangladesh pushes back 16 Rohingya

Teknaf, Bangladesh: Bangladesh Guard Bangladesh (BGB) pushed back 16 Rohingya who were arrested from the Teknaf-Cox’s Bazar highway road on November 27, according to a trader from Teknaf.

“The Rohingya who were going to Cox’s Bazar with different vehicles on Teknaf-Cox’s Bazar highway road and BGB arrested them at their check point on the road.”

Later, they were pushed pack to Burma through the entry point of Whykong.

Similarly, the BGB arrested Nazim Uddin, 26, hailed from Shabran under Teknaf police station, a drug trafficker with 3970 Yaba tablets while he was going to Cox’s Bazar from Shamalapur through the marine drive road on November27, said an elder from Shamalapur.

Nazim was handed over to the Teknaf police station and file a case of drug trafficking against him, an official said from Teknaf police station. 

On the other hand, BGB seized five sacks of fertilizer, three sacks of rice, seventy kg of potatoes and twenty litters of diesel with a row boat from Naff river on November 27, while it was being smuggled to Burma, according to official from BGB.

Living in the Racial Fault line: Rohingyas Look like Bengalis but are the People of Burma

Who are the Rohingyas? An Arakani xenophob named Aye Chan says they are "Bengalis" from Bangladesh, and many of his hoodlum followers even call Rohingyas the "Talibans"; some even call them as "terrorists" perhaps because most Rohingyas are Muslims and some racist people it is easy to find all Muslims as being terrorists. However, research shows that Rohingyas look like Bengalis but aren't Bengalis. If Rohingyas are not Bengalis, who are they?  Rohingyas are a mixture of people beginning from indigenous Chandra people of pre 10^th century Arakan, and also Rohingyas in them had Arab and Persian traders from the 7^th century settled in Arakan, and the Bengali Sultan's soldiers send to Arakan with General Sindi Khan to help restore Noromikhala in the mid-15^th century, and finally they also had in their people Bengali slaves captured from lower Bengal during the 16^th and early 17^th century from raids by Mogh (Rakhine) pirates in the Bay. These flows of people from the north and west of Arakan are recorded in history.1 These people who looked like Indians and Bengalis were scattered all around Arakan but due to their racial differences, eventually were pushed out to the Mayu frontier in the north. "Rohingya" as an official name adapted during the 50's in the last century by its leaders to serve as a survival mechanism for its people to unitedly face the destiny of attack and expulsion by the brutal military regime and its Arakanese collaborators. However, the name "Rohingya was in use recorded by an early British historian of Burma.2 In Arakan not surprisingly, "Rakhine" is also a new name changed from the historic name "Mogh"  Most of the Rohingyas look like Bengalis because Bengalis have similar historic backgrounds as the Rohingyas have from the past. The racially motivated discrimination and expulsion of the Rohingya people has been an ongoing phenomenon for years for these people. The latest large scale push was during 1942, the 1978 and 1993 and even now in a smaller scale.3

Historically speaking, Arakan was an Indian land but occupied by the racially mongoloid people during the 11^th century removing the Indian Chandra dynasty. The dark skinned Rohingyas called by the Rakhines as "Kalas" are the indigenous Rohingyas. Rohingyas look like Bengalis but aren't Bengalis. Like the Rakhines (Moghs) are racially like Burmese, so racially Rohingyas are like Bengalis. This is clearly because Arakan is a racial fault line. It is for this reason that there are Rakhines, Chakmas, Thanchaingas, Moghs, who are racially mongoloid people in Bangladesh. They are now Bangladeshi citizens. In contrast the Rohingyas in Arakan, Burma were denied of their citizenship in the 1982 constitutional reform by the racist military government of Burma. This change was done unfortunately (on record) with the help of some Arakani xenophobs like Aye Kyaw, Aye Chan and Ashin Nayaka who enjoy freedom and democracy in abroad but keep racist skeletons at home in Arakan; calling the Rohingya people as the "Influx Viruses". In this act of suffering of a people, causing genocide and crime against humanity, the xenophobes even call themselves as democrats-ofcourse, it is acceptable in Burma to the military's Burmese way to democracy. Thus Rohingya issue remains unresolved and the suffering of these racially different Burmese people living in the faultline continues.

17 rescued, around 138 missing while boat capsized in Bay of Bengal

Teknaf, Bangladesh: About 17 people were rescued and around 138 were missing while a Malaysia voyage’s boat capsized in the Bay of Bengal on November 23, at night, according to an elder from Alaythankyaw, Maungdaw south.

The Rohingya boat-people dead body floating in the Naf River

“The boat was capsized between Saint Martin and Shapuri Dip Island at the Bay of Bengal of Burma side.”

“The boat was capsized while it attacked the rock between Saint Martin and Shapuri Dip Island.”

The Burmese border security force (Nasaka) and its collaborators boarded 155 Rohingya boat people – 120 from Maungdaw and 35 from Buthidaung- after collecting 300000 kyat per head where Nasaka took 30000 kyat per head, according to a school teacher from Maungdaw.

The camp-in-charge of Donkhali (Pa Yaunbang Gyi) Nasaka camp had given green signal to board the boatpeople from the Nasaka camp. The permission was issued by the Major Kyaw Aung, the commander of Nasaka area 7 as the Nasaka was involved in this trafficking of boat people, according to an aide of Nasaka.

The Nasaka collaborators are:- Abul Kalam, hailed from Lamba Ghona, Moslim, hailed from Dawn Khali, and Yasin from Konna Para- who are now hiding in the Donkhali (Pa Yaunbang Gyi)  Nasaka camp because some of the concerned  authorities from Maungdaw Town went to the spot to inquiry the event.

“The rescued 17 persons are being hidden by the Nasaka personnel as fear of exposing their involvement in the boatpeople trafficking. But, the Nasaka demands money from the rescued boatpeople to stay continuously in their villages,” the aide said

The dead bodies floating in the Naf River are not allowed to collect and bury by their relatives and villagers. The dead bodies were drowned in the sea by the Nasaka personnel after fastening heavy stone with dead bodies for destroying the evidences of the event. 

The Rohingya community in northern Arakan is facing same as before such as discriminations - restriction of movement, marriage, education, health, employment and etc.-.  Though there is some reforms appear to be marked in the Burma, the repression and oppression of the Rohingya community are not stopped, said a trader from Maungdaw.

The Nasaka is using the policy of “killing two birds in one shot” means the Nasaka is trying to reduce the population of Rohingya community from Arakan soil and earning money by giving permission to go abroad. But, there is no permission for Rohingya community to enter their homeland again.

Exclusive - Suu Kyi to run in upcoming Myanmar by-election

YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi will run in an upcoming by-election, a senior official in her party said on Monday, three days after her National League for Democracy ended its boycott of the country's political system.
It will be the first time the Nobel Peace Prize laureate has competed in an election since 1990, when her landslide electoral victory was voided by generals intent on maintaining power.

Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi speaks at a ceremony to mark the country's National Day at the National League for Democracy (NLD) party's head office in Yangon November 20, 2011.

"Aung San Suu Kyi intends to stand for the by-election but it's a bit early to say from which constituency she will run," Nyan Win, a senior official in her party, told Reuters.
Suu Kyi, the daughter of late independence hero Aung San and a staunch opponent of the military dictators, spent 15 of the previous 21 years in detention before her release from house arrest a year ago.