Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi tours the Nobel Peace center
in Oslo on June 16, 2012. Suu Kyi on June 16 pledged to keep up her
struggle for democracy as she finally delivered her Nobel Peace Prize
speech, 21 years after winning the award while under house arrest.
(AFP/AFP/Getty Images)Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi has been an
international symbol of courage. So why isn't she speaking out for the
nation's most persecuted minority?
One by one, the members of a large group of students approached a
microphone to tell Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi that she had been an
inspiration to them. “I’m very proud to say you have been our hope,”
said a Pakistani student. “It is a great honor for me to hear my
personal hero speak,” said another.
The forum at Harvard’s Kennedy School Thursday evening was little shy of
a lovefest for the elegant and charismatic opposition leader from
Myanmar (also known as Burma) who has charmed her way across the United
States during a 17-day tour. Until someone mentioned the “R” word.
Thanking Suu Kyi for “being our inspiration,” a student from Thailand
said: “You have been quite reluctant to speak up against the human
rights violations in Rakhine State against the Rohingya … Can you
explain why you have been so reluctant?”
The mood in the room suddenly shifted. Suu Kyi’s tone and expression
changed. With an edge in her voice, she answered: “You must not forget
that there have been human rights violations on both sides of the
communal divide. It’s not a matter of condemning one community or the
other. I condemn all human rights violations.”
The Rohingya are a group of about 800,000 Muslim ethnic Bengalis who
live in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State, which borders Bangladesh. The
government has denied them the most basic rights, including citizenship,
for decades. They need permission to marry, travel and work. Last June,
violence in Rakhine State left hundreds of Rohingyas dead, thousands of
properties destroyed and about 100,000 people displaced, according to
activists.
The United Nations calls the Rohingya one of the world’s most persecuted groups.
Given Suu Kyi’s reputation as an international symbol of courage,
determination and respect for human rights, one would be forgiven for
assuming that she would leap at the chance to defend a group of people
so badly persecuted in her own homeland. But she didn't.
Her stance on the Rohingyas oscillates between silence and a cautious,
neutral statement that “both sides,” meaning both Muslims and Buddhists
in Rakhine, have faced persecution.
The plight of the Rohingyas has been so bad for so long that most
political analysts and longtime Myanmar watchers assume that Suu Kyi,
the champion of human rights, recognizes their struggle and just can’t
be vocal about it. Now she's a politician, the thinking goes, her hands
are tied.
Myanmar will hold general elections in 2015, and Suu Kyi and her
National League for Democracy party hope to win enough seats in
parliament to amend the country’s constitution. The NLD will need the
support of the Myanmar people, who largely hold great antipathy toward
the dark-skinned, poor Rohingyas they often call terrorists and
infiltrators.
“Politically Aung San Suu Kyi has absolutely nothing to gain from opening her mouth on [the Rohingyas],” Burmese commentator Maung Zarni told Daily Beast columnist
Peter Popham. “She is no longer a political dissident. She’s a
politician, and her eyes are fixed on the prize, which is the 2015
majority Buddhist vote.”
The executive director of Amnesty International USA, which has
documented abuses against the Rohingya and also hosted Suu Kyi during
her US visit, said there is an “expectation of leadership” from Suu Kyi
on the issue but gave a slightly more forgiving response to the Nobel
laureate’s current stance.
“I don’t know that she has landed on a fully considered, long-term
approach to the issue,” Suzanne Nossel said in an interview. “I think
her comments reflect a measure of tentativeness. A sense that she is
analyzing and trying to be very careful.”
“Clearly the issue is hotly politicized in Burma, and she is newly
launched on the political scene and is trying to navigate carefully,”
Nossel said.
Becoming a larger voice in Myanmar’s parliament is a laudable goal, and
changing the constitution, which was passed during the junta-era by a
sham vote, is crucial if the country wants true, lasting reform.
But Suu Kyi’s stance on the Rohingyas raises many questions.
Is her reluctance — or perhaps more accurately, refusal — to come out in
support of the ethnic group worth the goal of taking a majority in
Parliament?
Or is her sacrifice of principles a slap in the face to those who worked for her release from house arrest and election?
Can Suu Kyi continue to stand as a symbol of courage and humanity’s
highest ideals, on par with Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela, if she
remains silent on such an important issue?
And finally, what is the point of Suu Kyi being released from house
arrest, elected to parliament, adorned with accolades and awards and
viewed as a global inspiration, if not to stand up for those who need
her most?
Back at the Kennedy School, the student who mentioned the “R” word
quickly retreated from the microphone and the Lady moved on to the next
question.
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