Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi tours the Nobel Peace center 
in Oslo on June 16, 2012. Suu Kyi on June 16 pledged to keep up her 
struggle for democracy as she finally delivered her Nobel Peace Prize 
speech, 21 years after winning the award while under house arrest. 
(AFP/AFP/Getty Images)Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi has been an 
international symbol of courage. So why isn't she speaking out for the 
nation's most persecuted minority?
One by one, the members of a large group of students approached a 
microphone to tell Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi that she had been an 
inspiration to them. “I’m very proud to say you have been our hope,” 
said a Pakistani student. “It is a great honor for me to hear my 
personal hero speak,” said another.
The forum at Harvard’s Kennedy School Thursday evening was little shy of
 a lovefest for the elegant and charismatic opposition leader from 
Myanmar (also known as Burma) who has charmed her way across the United 
States during a 17-day tour. Until someone mentioned the “R” word.
Thanking Suu Kyi for “being our inspiration,” a student from Thailand 
said: “You have been quite reluctant to speak up against the human 
rights violations in Rakhine State against the Rohingya … Can you 
explain why you have been so reluctant?”
The mood in the room suddenly shifted. Suu Kyi’s tone and expression 
changed. With an edge in her voice, she answered: “You must not forget 
that there have been human rights violations on both sides of the 
communal divide. It’s not a matter of condemning one community or the 
other. I condemn all human rights violations.”
The Rohingya are a group of about 800,000 Muslim ethnic Bengalis who 
live in western Myanmar’s Rakhine State, which borders Bangladesh. The 
government has denied them the most basic rights, including citizenship,
 for decades. They need permission to marry, travel and work. Last June,
 violence in Rakhine State left hundreds of Rohingyas dead, thousands of
 properties destroyed and about 100,000 people displaced, according to 
activists.
The United Nations calls the Rohingya one of the world’s most persecuted groups.
Given Suu Kyi’s reputation as an international symbol of courage, 
determination and respect for human rights, one would be forgiven for 
assuming that she would leap at the chance to defend a group of people 
so badly persecuted in her own homeland. But she didn't.
Her stance on the Rohingyas oscillates between silence and a cautious, 
neutral statement that “both sides,” meaning both Muslims and Buddhists 
in Rakhine, have faced persecution.
The plight of the Rohingyas has been so bad for so long that most 
political analysts and longtime Myanmar watchers assume that Suu Kyi, 
the champion of human rights, recognizes their struggle and just can’t 
be vocal about it. Now she's a politician, the thinking goes, her hands 
are tied.
Myanmar will hold general elections in 2015, and Suu Kyi and her 
National League for Democracy party hope to win enough seats in 
parliament to amend the country’s constitution. The NLD will need the 
support of the Myanmar people, who largely hold great antipathy toward 
the dark-skinned, poor Rohingyas they often call terrorists and 
infiltrators.
“Politically Aung San Suu Kyi has absolutely nothing to gain from opening her mouth on [the Rohingyas],” Burmese commentator Maung Zarni told Daily Beast columnist
 Peter Popham. “She is no longer a political dissident. She’s a 
politician, and her eyes are fixed on the prize, which is the 2015 
majority Buddhist vote.”
The executive director of Amnesty International USA, which has 
documented abuses against the Rohingya and also hosted Suu Kyi during 
her US visit, said there is an “expectation of leadership” from Suu Kyi 
on the issue but gave a slightly more forgiving response to the Nobel 
laureate’s current stance.
“I don’t know that she has landed on a fully considered, long-term 
approach to the issue,” Suzanne Nossel said in an interview. “I think 
her comments reflect a measure of tentativeness. A sense that she is 
analyzing and trying to be very careful.”
“Clearly the issue is hotly politicized in Burma, and she is newly 
launched on the political scene and is trying to navigate carefully,” 
Nossel said.
Becoming a larger voice in Myanmar’s parliament is a laudable goal, and 
changing the constitution, which was passed during the junta-era by a 
sham vote, is crucial if the country wants true, lasting reform.
But Suu Kyi’s stance on the Rohingyas raises many questions.
Is her reluctance — or perhaps more accurately, refusal — to come out in
 support of the ethnic group worth the goal of taking a majority in 
Parliament?
Or is her sacrifice of principles a slap in the face to those who worked for her release from house arrest and election?
Can Suu Kyi continue to stand as a symbol of courage and humanity’s 
highest ideals, on par with Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela, if she 
remains silent on such an important issue?
And finally, what is the point of Suu Kyi being released from house 
arrest, elected to parliament, adorned with accolades and awards and 
viewed as a global inspiration, if not to stand up for those who need 
her most?
Back at the Kennedy School, the student who mentioned the “R” word 
quickly retreated from the microphone and the Lady moved on to the next 
question.
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