Indonesian, Burmese officials hold wide-ranging talks

Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Netalegawa ended wide-ranging discussions with top Burmese officials and visited with Aung San Suu Kyi at her residence in Rangoon on Wednesday.

National League for Democracy General-Secretary Aung San Suu Kyi and Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa following a meeting in her home in Rangoon on Wednesday, December 28, 2011. 

After the 45-minute meeting, Netalegawa held a press conference at the Sedona Hotel for the foreign and domestic media. “I told Aung San Suu Kyi how Asean could help in advancing democratic change in Burma and briefed her about current developments in Asean,” he said. “She reciprocated by telling me about the current developments in Burma and the democratization process in the country.”
It was his second meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, following a visit in late October.
The Indonesian delegation and Burmese officials held extensive talks during the Second Joint Commission for Bilateral Cooperation meeting.
Netalegawa said: “Indonesia will uphold its stance and its commitment to the democratization process, including the continuing, ongoing peace talks with ethnic armed groups, releasing political prisoners and an all-inclusive free and fair by-elections.”
The Xinhua news agency reported on Wednesday that the joint meeting discussed advancing good governance, democracy and human rights. In addition, Indonesia volunteered to offer advice from the Election Commission of Indonesia, the National Human Rights Commission of Indonesia and the Indonesian Institute of Science to establish contact and cooperation with their counterparts in Burma.
In the area of economic cooperation, the talks involved promoting direct trade and eliminating barriers preventing expansion of trade with the intent to achieve a target of 500 million U.S. dollars in trade value by 2015. Capacity building programs in the fields of forestry, agriculture, fishery, transport and banking were also discussed.
In social and cultural cooperation, the meeting touched on a commitment to establish cooperation in the fields of information and technology, and to strengthen cultural and tourism cooperation by promoting religious tourism and sister-pagoda cooperation.
The first Burma-Indonesia joint bilateral meeting was held in Jakarta in February 2007. Netalegawa is on his third visit to Burma.

Burmese Urban Refugees in Bangladesh Don't Want Return to Burma in Present Conditions

Dhaka: Burmese urban refugees in Bangladesh do not want to return to Burma with the current situation in Burma, despite an agreement between the Burmese and Bangladesh governments to repatriate the refugees, report refugee sources.












The agreement to repatriate Burmese urban refugees was reached at a meeting earlier this month between President Thein Sein and Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in Naypyidaw in Burma, said a report of the AFP, quoting a senior immigration ministry official of Burma.



Ko Ni Min, an urban Burmese refugee living in Cox's Bazar, said, "Most of Burmese refugees do not want to return back to Burma with the current situation because there has been no change in Burma, particularly in politics, social affairs, and business. At the same time, there are no equal rights or human rights in Burma for ethnic people. We can face many problems in Burma if we return because there is no guarantee for us."
The Burmese government will take back some of its refugees from neighboring Bangladesh, but hundreds of thousands of Muslim refugees, the Rohingya, will not be covered by the deal as Burmese officials claim they are not Burmese citizens but Bengalis who migrated around the time of World War II when both countries were under British rule, the report added.
The refugees in Bangladesh who meet four key criteria will be allowed to return to Burma. Burma is expecting around 2,500 refugees will meet the criteria, which includes legal proof of citizenship.
Ko Soe Lin, who is also an urban refugee said, "Even though Bangladesh and Burma reached an agreement to take back none of the Muslim refugees in Bangladesh, we are unable to return back to Burma. We came here to struggle for democracy in Burma, and without democracy in Burma, we can not return back to Burma."
In Bangladesh, there are over 300 Burmese urban refugees recognized by the UNHCR, most of whom are Arakanese and Chin. They came to Bangladesh after the nationwide democracy movement in Burma in 1988.
Ma Soe Mi Mi Than, also an urban refugee in Bangladesh, said, "We want to return back to Burma as Burma is our motherland. But the situation in Burma has not changed as much as people think. We should look at the situation of Burma under the present government closely to see what will happen in the near future."
According to the AFP report, UNHCR has not been officially informed of any repatriation of refugees but it is seeking clarification on any new deals from both governments, UNCHCR external officer in Bangladesh,

What will happen in 2012 Burma politics?

(Commentary) – The way the political game was played in 2011 will have a huge impact in 2012 Burma politics. 2011 was the year Burma took on a new political shape from dictatorship to quasi-civilian government. Right after the quasi-civilian Burmese government came in to power amid alleged fraud votes, the most powerful military chief, Senior Gen Than Shwe and Vice Senior Gen Maung Aye, were technically retired from their post.
Throughout 2011, the quasi-civilian Burmese government has continuously showed that it was changing and they were not the same with the previous government. It suspended controversial U$ 3.6 billion Myintsone dam project. It announced a peace offer to ethnic armed groups. President Thein Sein met with opposite leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. It relaxed media censorship somewhat. It granted amnesty including about 200 political prisoners. It secured the rotating Asean chair for 2014. It amended the political registration law, and the NLD left the 1990 elections result behind and re-registered as a political party. Some ethnic armed groups formed the UNFC to face the Burmese government. Burmese soldiers launched offensive wars against the KIA and SSA (N).  It engaged in several talks with non-cease-fire groups and reached a ceasefire with UWSA, NDAA-ESS, SSA(S) and the DKBA, but UNCF members still are in talks with Burmese government. It formed the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission (MNHRC). Unlike previous Burmese governments, the quasi-civilian Burmese government officials including President Thein Sein’s advisors have interactions with domestic media, exile media and the foreign media. Also, many foreign diplomats such as US secretary Hillary Clinton were in and out in the country.
The reforms that it has taken may be fake or a strategic show or whatever in 2011, but it was welcomed with caution and calls for further change.
 It is important to analyze the possible 2012 Burmese government policy   based on what it has done in 2011. It changed political party registration law in 2011, and it shows it has the capacity of changing   the rules or laws in future if it wants to do so. The so-called lower house and upper house are neither the real decision-makers nor lawmakers; they are instead just for democratic style show. In fact, President Thein Sein, Vice President Thiha Thura  Tin Aung Myint and U Khin Aung Myint, and Thura Shwe Mann are the decision makers and the main players in the government body. Among them, President Thein Sein and Thura Shwe Mann will be popular again in 2012 as the moderate and reformer.
So, instead of trying to change something in those two houses of Parliament, Daw Aung San Suu  Kyi and opposite groups should try to convince them, if they  are elected as MPs and want to change any law or rule. Of course, finding asolution in those two houses is theoretical right, but it could be a waste of time since the main players are  decision-makers and policy-makers rather than the  upper house and lower house. It is the reality of how the Burmese government is functioning.  Until the next general election, we will likely see the same Burmese government with the same leadership style.
If it granted amnesty to all of political prisoners including the 88-generation group in 2012, the democratic movement and national reconciliation process will move faster. 88-generation group members were in fact the de facto ones who organized the 8888 uprising and 2007 demonstration. It is important to note that many Burmese politicians and activists still believe people power is the only solution to end the era of dictatorship in Burma. Of course, the Arab spring successes were because of people power.
Without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, change for Burma may look impossible and unimaginable, but Burmese people have the power to change Burma. They need to realize that they cannot depend on her alone to change the country, and then they can empower themselves and finally they can bring down the quasi-civilian government like the Arab spring ended dictators’ era in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. If they wait for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to change Burma, it be like watching a very long and boring movie without knowing when it will end. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will not encourage mass demonstrations against the government as long as the relationship between her and government is good. Government officials likely will tell her to help them maintain tstability.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi seems well prepared to promote her party campaign with the help of artists in 2012. She has met with many actors and actress, singers, composers and directors in 2011. Her road to Parliament will not be difficult one, but how much she can make difference in parliament is questionable because of 75 per cent USDP and 25 per cent military members.
Exiled political and human rights groups need to reassess how they should campaign in 2012 as their funders will likely turn to  organizations inside Burma.
If the Burmese government granted amnesty to all of political prisoners in 2012, more and more exiles will return to Burma. Their return will significantly impact Burma politics inside and outside Parliament.  Their return will mean very much for Burmese people and their country. However, they will face a hot debate with their opponents, who were never in exile, over why they left the country when it was bad if they enter into the Burmese political arena.  It doesn’t mean they are not welcome, but it means they will face such challenges.
Burma tied with Afghanistan as the world’s second most corrupt nation. The culture of the corrupt society will be a continued challenge to government again in 2012. Anti-corruption will not end in Burma as long as no action against current and former government officials is taken. It could take at least a decade to end the corrupt culture in business and government offices. The most significant step for anti-corruption will be to bring corrupt upper echelons officials and their cronies to account, and the previous corrupt officials, including the then Senior-General Than Shwe and former Vice Senior Gen Maung Aye, to justice. It will also serve a very strong warning that no one is allowed to be corruptfor any reason. In 2012 or during his tenure, President Thein Sein will probably try to enforce his clean government and good governance policy that could bring them to justice. Otherwise, President Thein Sein speech on clean government and good governance in 2011 will not apply to anyone including the past and present corrupt officials.
 Since Burma is the second poorest country in Asia, after Afghanistan, President Thein Sein’s poverty reduction effort can’t dramatically make changes as long as Western sanctions remain, as long as the corrupt culture in the country is not eradicated, and as long as the civil wars are not stopped in border areas. 
The government’s peace offer to ethnic armed groups in 2011 could convince the UWSA, NDAA-ESS, SSA(S) and DKBA to sign cease-fire agreements, but the UNFC members including two of the strongest ethnic armed groups, the KIA and KNU, couldn’t reach cease-fire agreements, with the government. It shows that the Burmese government will likely reconsider its approach to non-ceasefire groups.  The deal with ethnic armed groups, especially the UNFC members, will not be enough, and it must include a promising political dialogue with incentives. Probably, the UNFC members will continue talking with the government; but they will likely stick to the principles of the UNFC. It means each group can engage separately in talks with the government, but in order to reach the final peace agreement, they will likely remain united and tell the government to seek agreements through the UNFC. There is a possibility that the government will at least sit down with the UNFC to talk.
President Thein Sein may take a risk on his reform process, including a change of Burmese military leadership. That’s the risk that he must take if he really wants to work out his reform process.
The government will try to better its relationship with the international community, and to push to end Western sanctions in 2012, telling the international community including USA that its relationship with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is smooth, and it has signed cease-fire agreements with some ethnic armed groups and it is still trying to sign cease-fires with non-ceasefire groups, it has released political prisoners, and it has improved its human rights record, so now is time to end their sanctions against Burma.
Burma politics is complicated, some even call it sick politics. The conflicts and ethnic issues also remain unresolved and civil wars will continue with human rights abuses. The government has a lot to do to improve its human rights record. On mainstream politics, Suu Kyi and her party are preparing to enter Parliament in 2012. She can be a political mentor and counselor who can push government officials for change in Burma.   What will really happen in 2012 Burma politics is unpredictable. However, it is sure that there will be many things to follow during the 201 political game. 2012 will likely be the decisive year of Burma that determines if it really moves toward democracy or not.

Judgments come from Nasaka Head office: Maungdaw Magistrate

Maungdaw, Arakan State: Most of the judgments come from Burma border security force (Nasaka) head office, stated U Khin Zaw ,Maungdaw Magistrate to the lawyers who are working in the Maungdaw law court.

“We are just reading the judgment in the court after hearing the case which had come to us from Nasaka head office.”

The statement came out after hearing a case of a young Rohingya –Syed Ali son of Ali Akbar hailed from block number 2 - where all the witness and medical reports favorer to him, but the court sentenced him five years and six months on December 23, said a lawyer from Maungdaw law court.

The false case – communicating a young girl - was filed against by block administration officer with Nasaka personnel. The Rohingya community in Maungdaw is not allowed to meet or communicate a girl which the authorities made it as a crime.

“The authority forced him with allegation of meeting with a girl at night and filed a case which sentenced him five and half year jail from Maungdaw law court.”

“But, the judgment had come to law court from Naska head office to read the judgment in the public after hearing the case,” said an officer from court.

“We are just sitting at court and the judgment comes from Nasaka head office and other concerned authority which we are reading at the court room.”

The authority mention, it is a crime for talking and meeting between young boy and young girl. It is free for young generation in 21 century and every can talk and meet anywhere if the boy and girl agree on it as per article number 16 of Universal Declaration Human Rights (UDHR).

Kutupalong local youths rob refugees

Ukhiya, Bangladesh: Kutupalong local youths are robbing Rohingya refugees in the local market where the refugees buy their daily uses goods from a local market near the camp under the Ukhiya police station, said a refugee on condition of anonymity.

“Shamsu - 47, a refugee from Kutupalong makeshift camp - was robbed by local goons at Kutupalong local market on December 26, at about 9:00pm.”

Shamsu met with local goons (youths) –sitting in the market and watching people (especially refugees) who are coming from Cox’s Bazar or other part of Bangladesh – while he got down from a microbus  which was coming from Cox’s bazar, according to eyewitness from Kutupalong Bazar.

“The local goons (Youth) also enter the makeshift camp every day and harassing the unregistered refugees – using fake note to the small grocery shops, distributing female refugees, looting and stealing chicken.”

“He had 15,000 taka and one mobile phone when he got down from bus and the local goons called and talked with him at the market.”

Later, he was handed over to gang leader who was former village member of Kutupalong village where the goons  leader order to  search him and found money and mobile which were taken by the gang leader, according to a local elder from Kutupalong village.  “The gang leader released him with empty pocket.”

However, the next day, someone closed to gang leader requested where Shamsu received 5000 taka and mobile phone, said a local.

“Shamsu is a dry fish trader, sells dry fish in the locals’ market for survival as he is a unregistered refugee in Bangladesh who fled from his home land - northern Arakan- for persecutions – movement and marriage restriction, education, health and religious persecutions, force labor, land confiscation, extortion and no permission to build resident building or religious building,” said a religious leader from camp.

Abul Kalam - a refugee from Kutupalong makeshift camp- was abducted by local youths  on December 23 at about 4:00 pm, for prohibited the local youths who frequently enter the camp and disturb the refugees’ females and harassing refugees. He was kept in a local area where severally beat up by the local youths and forcefully took a statement that included giving 5000 taka. 

Similarly, Salim, a daily labor working in the Kutupalong local market, was beaten by local youths on December 24 with an allegation which said that he had beaten a local villager in the forest last year and demanding money for compensation. Nobody – authorities and local elders – were interesting to involve in the event.

Authority bans again on prayer calling (Azan) in Maungdaw

Maungdaw, Arakan State: The concerned authority – District and Township administration offices- had banned again on prayer calling (Azan) with loudspeakers in Maungdaw on December 28, according to a religious leader from Maungdaw.

“The order was dispatched to village administration offices by U Aung Myint Soe, the district administration officer and U Kyi San, township administration officer.”

“Some of the village administration officers from Burma border security force (Nasaka) area number 6  were ordered to their villages not to use the loudspeakers while prayer calling (Azan) in the Mosques.”

U Than Htun,the village administration officer, Shwezar village had ordered not to use loudspeakers while prayer calling in the Mosques on December 27, according to an elder from the village.

“The massage was again called by Captain Hay Win Min Htun, the officer in charge of camp 14 under Nasaka area 6 while the Nasaka called meeting with village’s elders and villager administration officer on December 27.”

“We stopped to call with loudspeakers for prayer calling in the Mosques after the meeting in the Shwezar village tract.”

“It is the new civilian government styles for moving the discipline democracy which the head of the state U Thein Sein stated that freedoms of religious are available in the country, but the authorities are going to stop some systems of religious other than Buddhist in northern Arakan where Rohingya community who believed Islam are resided.”

The ruling party – Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) –promised and ensured the Rohingya community that will remove restriction on marriage, education, movement, building worships places when the party came to campaign for election 2010 in northern Arakan. But, the promised and ensured which given in the election were disappeared and more imposed restriction on Rohingya again.

“Burma persecutes the Rohingya, the minority Muslim group of northern Arakan, denying them citizenship and harassment and persecution of all Human Rights abuses.In particular, it said Rohingya women suffer at the hands of the government. Freedom House has reported mass military rapes of Rohingya women. Fearing for their lives, many of these women have fled the country to Bangladesh. According to UN Watch – a nonprofit NGO – stated a recent session on women’s rights of the Forum on Minority Issues of the UN Human Rights Council.