Latest information of northern Arakan

Persecution increased after Major General Maung Oo’s visit:

Maungdaw, Arakan State:  After ex-Western Command Commander Major General Maung Oo’s visit to the north Arakan, the persecutions are increased against the Rohingya community in Maungdaw Township, said a local trader on condition of anonymity.
“General Maung Oo is also the present USDP secretary of Arakan State and accompanied by upper house Parliament member U Aung Zaw Win of Maungdaw constituency, U Shwe Maung, the upper house parliament member of Buthidaung constituency and others parliament members from Rangoon visited to the northern Arakan (Maungdaw) on September 12. After their departure, the security forces such as— Nasaka, police, Hluntin and army increased arresting the Rohingya people with false and fabricated cases against the Rohingya people, tortured and some were released after taking money.”
The followings are some of the arrestees identified as —-Mohamed Alam (35), son of Shaffi Rahaman, hailed from Mangala ( Tharat Oo) village was arrested by the Nasaka of Kular Bill Nasaka out-post under e tNasaka area No.5 , today at around 12:00 noon, from his house and tortured severely. The Nasaka also took away his motorbike. After arrest, he was brought to Nasaka Headquarters where he was detained. Villagers believe that he will be killed.  Now he is living in Maungdaw Town. He is a wealthy man, said a close relative of the victim.
From Nari Bill village, under the Nasaka area No.6 Of Maungdaw Township,  Mohamed Noor (17), son of Abu Sidique   was arrested yesterday by the Nasaka of Nari Bill out-post camp at about 6:00 pm while he was on the way to home after fishing from his fishing project. However, he was released after paying Kyat 300,000. He paid this money after selling his house compound. Besides, Ahmed Hussain ( 40), son of Osiur Rahman, hailed from the same village was also arrested by the same Nasaka yesterday while he was watching his fishing project. He was also released after taking Kyat 100,000. From the same village, the Nasaka more arrested Abdullah(22), son of Hussain, and Akter Hussain( 25), son of Mohamed Shoffi while he was going to the market of Kyauk Hla Gaar market from his village at about 12:00  noon. They are detained in the camp and asked Kyat 50,000 per each to be released, according to a local businessman who denied to be named.
In addition, the Nasaka (Burma’s border security force) of Konsi Pyin village Nasaka camp arrested 14-villager yesterday night from Konsi Pyuin Village of Maungdaw Township without any allegation and were released after taking money. The victims were identified as— Moulvi Abu Sidique (55), son of Zabber, Abu Bakker( 33), son of Jabber, Rashid Ahmed (25), son of Monzor, Dil Mohamed (28), son of Khalu, Nezamuddin (40), son of Olison, Abul Shama ( 55), son of Mohamed Hussain, Sayead Alam ( 35), son of Mohamed Kasim, Bodar Alam ( 65), son of Dor besh Ali, Abul Bosher ( 25), son of Affalatun,  moulvi nurul amin(55), son of Asharaf Ali,  Jarmuluk (58), son of Jabber, and Hussain Ahmed ( 30), son of  Mohamed Hussain. They were released after taking Kyat 20,000 to 30,000 per each. Another two youths from this village namely Shaker (12), son of Mohamed Alam and Akram (15), son of Kalam Kader were severely beaten up by the Nasaka for flashing their  torchlights  to  them while the Nasaka were approaching the local sentry post at mid -night., said a local villager from Konsi Pyin village preferring not to be named.
Moreover, a group of Nasaka personnel of Fadensa (Padang) Nasaka camp went to Du Yaung Pyin Gyi (Shaira Para) at about 10:00 am, to arrest Imam Hussain (30), son of Modon Ali, but they failed. So, the Nasaka arrested his mother and brought to the the Nasaka camp yesterday, said a youth from the locality.
Robbery by Hluntin and Natala villagers:
On September 14, a group of Hluntin accompanied by some Natala villlagers went to The Baggona village tract of Maungdaw south at around midnight and tried to attempt robbery against the villages.  But villagers made hue and cry and also rushed to the spot. So they were unable to commit robbery.  Meanwhile, nearby security force (army) also came to the spot and fired to the robbers. So, one of the Natala villagers was hit on his head and immediately sent to Buthidaung General hospital for proper treatment, said a local elder on condition of anonymity.
Buthidaung Township:
On September 14, the major General Maung Oo accompanied by others went to Buthidaung Town to see the prison situation of Buthidaung Town. According to police and Hluntin from Maungdaw Township, about 450 prisoners are detained in the jail since (June the riot was occurred in Maungdaw.  However, according to SBTO, of Buthidaung, over 880 prisoners are detained in the jail. After seeing the jail, they will go to Rathedaung Township to see the relocated Rohingya villagers. There are no NGOs and other relief organizations visit in these areas.  As a result, most of the refugees are suffering from acute food, shelter and medicine crisis, said two local elders. one from Buthidaung and another one from Rathedaung.
Rathedaung Township:
In Rathedaung Township, there are 24 villages, of them most of the villages were burned down by the Mogh mobs with the help of security forces. They have no food, no medicine and no shelter in the rainy season.  In Raja Bill village, there are about 550 houses and the army gives security to the village, but armies do not allow to the villagers to get out of the village to buy anything. For instance, recently, a village youth was severely tortured by the army because he went to another house in the village to take medicine for his younger sister who has been suffering from fever since long. There is another strange thing is happening, that is all the male villagers are brought to a nearby Rakhine village two times per week and give them lecture. Regarding this, villagers think that there will be something behind this. So villagers are living with constant fear of something will be happened soon, said a village elder from the village.

Over 200 Rohingyas arrested along the Burma-Bangladesh border

Cox’s Bazar: Bangladesh: The authorities of Bangladesh had been arresting more than 200 Rohingyas in special drives alongthe Bangladesh-Burma border since started the month of September 2012, said a reliable source from Cox’s Bazar.

 “Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), Coastguards and police arrested more than 200 Rohingya Muslims in different drives along the border.”

 On September 14, sixteen Rohingyas were arrested from Shapuri Dip under the Teknaf police station by BGB. Later, they were pushed back to Burma.

 Besides, BGB also arrested eight Rohingyas from the border point of Taungbro and Gumdum yesterday while they were entering the Bangladesh, said an aide of BGB.

According to sources, “the drive will be remaining continue by the government of Bangladesh as they have information that huge number of Burmese citizens are living in different areas of the district.”

 Sources also said, Rohingyas are Muslim, they come to Bangladesh from Burma as they were persecuted such as— rape, killings, arbitrary arrest, torturing, extortion money, harassment, looting, burned down their houses—- and etc. by the police, Hluntin ( riot police), Nasaka (Burma’s border security force, army  along with Moghs (Rakhines).

 The US has urged the government of Bangladesh to provide humanitarian assistance to the Rohingyas like basic essential services — food, sanitation and healthcare — who have already taken shelter in Bangladesh from the neighboring Arakan State, Burma, US Ambassador in Dhaka Dan W Mozena told a press conference at American Centre here on Thursday afternoon.

 Mr. Mozena also asked the Bangladesh government to keep the country’s border open to Rohingyas so that they can take shelter here and voluntarily and safely return home.

Burma’s Rohingya Crisis By Iqbal Ahmed

Aung San Suu Kyi’s plate seems to be full. She had fought for years for democracy against the military junta. Vindicated, she entered Burma’s parliament to build a coalition by representing her party, the National Democratic League (NLD), after winning a by-election. She tended to a steady stream of foreign dignitaries who visited Burma right after the military government granted her freedom. Then for the first time in years she set foot outside Burma to visit foreign countries and open paths for diplomatic relationships.

While all this was going on, there was trouble brewing at home – an ethnic clash between the Buddhists and the Rohingya Muslims.

On June 2nd, in the Western state of Rakhina ethnic Buddhists killed as many as ten Rohingya Muslims, in retaliation for the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman by three Muslim men. The events that followed saw scores of burnt houses, killings, and Rohingya Muslims fleeing into neighboring Bangladesh.

The ethnic divide between the Buddhists and the Rohingya Muslims is troubling. The Rohingyas, particularly, are caught in a political, economic, and social limbo between Bangladesh and Burma. There are about 26,000 Rohingya Muslims living in Bangladesh, 22,000 with legal refugee status. The future of the rest is unknown if and when Burma decides to grant legal refugees a resident status. For now, the 26,000 Rohingya Muslims continue to live in a squalid condition in Bangladesh.

For most part of her adult life Ms. Suu Kyi stood for human rights. Can she resolve the long-standing ethnic tension in Burma, which requires a unity and solidarity among the politicians, the religious leaders, and the military leaders?

A coalition of Thein Sein’s government and Ms. Suu Kyi’s party should try to engage with their Bangladeshi counterpart to discuss the future of the refugees and find a way to transform “reckless optimism” and “healthy skepticism” into achievable solutions to the ethnic crisis.

Engaging the Association of South Asian Nations (ASEAN) to handle this crisis could become a crucial part of Ms. Suu Kyi’s democratic campaign against human rights violations. So far, ASEAN’s policy of addressing the human rights issue remains as a “principle of non-interference in domestic affairs.” ASEAN nations have done little to address human rights violation of an estimated 1 million Rohingya Muslims.

Its charter on human rights issues remains tacit. In recognizing Burma’s ethnic strife, Ms. Suu Kyi has noted the need to repair this ongoing problem; however, she has also indicated that the ethnic problem “should not be allowed to get in the way of restoring democracy.”

The ethnic crisis in Burma deserves a concerted effort from Thein Sein’s government and Ms. Suu Kyi’s party as part of the democratic reform in Burma. Democratic reform in Burma requires a solution to the ethnic crisis that has engulfed the country for years. Her engagement with the political and religious leaders of the Buddhists of the Rakhina State and the Rohingya Muslims to work out a permanent solution to this decades-long crisis could be paramount. She could also urge the foreign leaders to cooperate with ASEAN through bi-lateral engagements. They will be unlikely to ignore her.

Burma plays the race card By William McGowan

Its Buddhist majority might see fit to rally behind Aung San Suu Kyi for greater democratic rights while it continues to persecute other groups.

anmar's pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi has extolled Buddhism for allowing her a sense of inner freedom during her 15 years of house arrest. She's also said that Buddhist precepts can guide her country's democratic transition, encouraging reconciliation with the military instead of anger and revenge.

But the more nationalistic face of this Buddhist tradition, brought into focus by recent violence directed against Rohingya Muslims in the western state of Rakhine, could yet derail democratic reforms in Myanmar (also known as Burma). 

In fact, Suu Kyi has a Buddhism problem, specifically the chauvinism and xenophobia of Burma's Theravada Buddhist culture, which encourages a sense of racial and religious superiority among majority ethnic Burmese Buddhists (60% of the population) at the expense of ethnic and religious minorities. The resulting tensions could leave the country politically fragmented and strengthen the military's hand just as it has been forced to loosen its grip. 

This is why Derek Mitchell, the first U.S. ambassador to Burma in 22 years, was right in August to call the fate of the ethnic nationalities the country's "defining challenge." It is also why this issue should be on the top of the agenda this week when Suu Kyi comes to Washington to receive the Congressional Gold Medal. So far, Suu Kyi's response to treatment of the stateless Rohingya Muslims in Burma has been disappointing. 

The anti-Rohingya violence, which took place in June, led to scores of deaths, the burning of settlements and a refugee exodus of 90,000 people into neighboring Bangladesh. There, more than 200,000 refugees from Burma still languish in makeshift camps from the last anti-Rohingya pogrom 20 years ago. According to the United Nations, the Rohingyas, who number about 800,000 worldwide, are one of the world's most persecuted minorities. 

They are subject to forced labor, extortion, police harassment, movement restrictions, land confiscation, a de facto one-child policy and limited access to jobs, education and healthcare. A 1982 Burmese law denies them citizenship, based on the presumption that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, even though many have lived in Burma for generations. There's also their darker skin color, which makes them "ugly as ogres" by comparison to the "fair and soft" complexion of native Burmese, as a Burmese consul general stated in 2009. 

Burmese President Thein Sein has said that the solution to the Rohingya problem is to put them into internal U.N.-administered camps, or to expel them. This proposal already has enhanced his popularity as a defender of the Buddhist faith, with monks taking to the streets in support. 

But other minorities have been put-upon by Buddhist nationalism too, which views them as threats to "the land, the race and the religion." Many of these groups, such as the Karen, the Shan, the Mon and the Kachin, have been in a state of rebellion off and on against the central government since Burma gained independence in 1948. 

Buddhism played a key role in undermining the military's grip on power. Opposition of monks to the regime, which boiled over in 2007's Saffron Revolution, posed a significant challenge to the military's popular legitimacy by depicting it as an enemy of Buddha sasana, or righteous moral rule. To deflect that challenge, the government has played the race card, largely through propaganda stressing that Buddhism is the religion of "true Burmese" and that the health and purity of a uniquely Burmese form of Buddhism are at risk from "outside" contamination. 

Although this strategy wasn't successful enough to fend off assaults on the military's legitimacy, it was effective at feeding Buddhist chauvinism and insecurity. The result has been a rising tide of nationalism in which the Buddhist majority might rally behind Suu Kyi and her monastic allies for greater democratic rights, but still sees other groups in a subordinate and often racist light. 

As the violence against the Rohingyas played out, the newly liberated Internet lit up with racist invective. Using a pejorative for the darker-skinned Muslims, one commenter declared, "We should kill all the Kalars in Burma or banish them, otherwise Buddhism will cease to exist." A nationalist group set up a Facebook page entitled "Kalar Beheading Gang," which attracted 600 "likes" by mid-June. Meanwhile, monks in Rakhine state distributed pamphlets urging Buddhists not to associate with Rohingyas. 

In Europe in June to receive her belated Nobel Peace Prize as the crisis peaked, Suu Kyi seemed at a loss to respond. Asked whether the Rohingya should be treated as Burmese citizens, she answered, "I do not know," followed by an equivocating statement about citizenship laws and the need for border vigilance. Neither she nor her National League for Democracy party denounced the attacks or the racist vitriol that followed them. NLD spokesman Nyan Win simply said: "The Rohingya are not our citizens." 

This response left many Burma-watchers disheartened. But Maung Zarni, a Burmese research fellow at the London School of Economics, explained: "Politically, Aung San Suu Kyi has absolutely nothing to gain from opening her mouth on this. She is no longer a political dissident trying to stick to her principles. She's a politician, and her eyes are fixed on the prize, which is the 2015 majority Buddhist vote." 

Suu Kyi has since established minority rights as a priority, citing it in July in her first speech in Parliament, though without mentioning the Rohingya specifically. 

A failure to manage ethnic and religious tensions long held in check by military authoritarianism invites dark scenarios. In some assessments, Burma could fragment, a la Yugoslavia. The specter of "disorder," which the military has historically used to justify its heavy-handedness, could lead it to slow the pace of reform or even roll it back. In 1962, minority unrest, significantly provoked by the establishment of Buddhism as the state religion, set the stage for the coup that led to 50 years of military misrule and international isolation. 

Suu Kyi wrote in a 1985 academic monograph that in the Burmese "racial psyche," Buddhism "represents the perfected philosophy. It therefore follows that there [is] no need to either develop it further or to consider other philosophies." In her bid to forge a sense of national identity for all Burmese, that cultural obduracy is not working in Suu Kyi's favor. 

William McGowan is author of several books, including "Only Man Is Vile: The Tragedy of Sri Lanka.