Tuesday 14 August 2012

3000 Rohingyas flee from Rathedaung


Maungdaw, Arakan State:  More than 3000 Rohingyas had fled  from their villages of  Rathedaung Township since August 8, according to an elder from Maungdaw south.
“These Rohingyas are from Thet pying, Thara pying ,Anauk pying and others villages of Rathedaung and they had fled from their village to save their lives after threatening  Rakhines .”
The Rohingyas were also frightened for their lives after hearing burned and killed of Rohingyas’ villages and Rohingyas in Kyauktaw Township. The Rohingyas from Kyauktaw  and Rohingyas from Rathedaung are same condition between Rakhines community. Kyauktaw Rohingyas have no changed to flee from their villages, but, Rathedaung Rohingyas have changed to flee from their villages.”
The Rohingyas had crossed the mountain pass and they entered Burma border security force (Nasaka) area number 8. The Rohingyas are now near the Thawan Chang, Kodankauk and Chilkhali villages under the Nasaka camp of  Kodankauk, said a villager  from Thawan Chang village.
“The Nasaka personnel are not allowing the Rohingyas to pass the camp and they are in the jungle. Now, the weather is now monsoon, when raining, the Rohingyas only take shelter under threes. They have no foods, no clothes and no shelters. “
“25 young children and 3 new born babies were died for bed weather and no foods. They did not getting any medical treatment in the forest and no medicines with them. The Nasaka are not allowing Rohingyas villagers to meet them or the Rohingyas are not allowed to pass the camp.”
Recently, The Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu visited akyab to survey  the situation of Rohingyas after riot with medical teams and delivery more aids to Rohingyas and Rakhines community, but, no body know about these unfortunate Rohingyas conditions and no one can give any relief goods to them even the Burmese government or its forces give change to manage their survival, said a teacher from maungdaw south.
“ No relief for Rohingyas community in Maungdaw, even the authority or other Burmese NGOs delivered relief goods to Rakhine community – who are backing government  and cam move everywhere under the emergence ACT 144 and staying freely in their home.  The authority only open relief center for Rakhine, not for Rohingyas who are also fear for arrest by security forces and not allow to go out from their home to search foods for their survival.”
Muslim NGOs or International Muslim country was delivered relief goods to both communities – Rohingya and Rakhine- in Akyab. The Aids workers are not allow giving relief goods in Maungdaw and Rathedaung. The authority opens seven relief centers for Rakhine who are only 4% in Maungdaw. No center for Rohingyas who are more sufferer and majority in Maungdaw. The security forces are hunting Rohingya community and helping Rakhine.”

THE CANADIAN ISLAMIC CONGRESS ADDS VOICE TO CONCERN OVER OPPRESSION OF ROHINGYA IN MYANMAR


THE CANADIAN ISLAMIC CONGRESS -- MEDIA COMMUNIQUÉ
August 13, 2012
For immediate release

CIC ADDS VOICE TO CONCERN OVER OPPRESSION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN
BURMA-MYANMAR

The CANADIAN ISLAMIC CONGRESS is calling upon Canada, the United Nations and the international community to join in bringing an end to the long history of minority abuses in Myanmar (formerly Burma), particularly actions taken by government-led forces against ethnic Rohingya Muslims in the country’s western Rakhine state.

In a summer of escalating violence against the country’s estimated 800,000 Rohingyas – most of whom are denied citizenship and considered by the UN to be among the worst-persecuted people in the world – reported deaths have ranged from hundreds to thousands. The Myanmar government is officially acknowledging only a few dozen. In addition to the mounting death toll, tens of thousands are confirmed to be internally displaced, making refugees from this minority Muslim population virtually stateless.

A recent Human Rights Watch report confirms that government security forces have committed killings, rape, torture, displacement and mass arrests against Rohingyas in the aftermath of ethnic violence. Other humanitarian groups, such as Amnesty International, report similar atrocities and are calling for an end to the anti-Rohingya campaign which some are calling genocidal.

CIC wholly supports UN envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana and the growing number of
international rights groups who are calling for an independent and impartial investigation to ensure the long-term protection of Burmese ethnic minorities and bring an end to all religious and ethnic persecution. 

CIC is also asking that Canada increase its humanitarian relief efforts and develop a proactive dialogue with the Myanmar government through consular and trade ties.
“Most importantly, we are calling for genuine efforts toward a just and sustainable solution,” said CIC national president Amin Elshorbagy. “As part of the global community, we must work to ensure that incidents of atrocities toward minorities such as the Rohingya Muslims are not perpetuated or repeated. Unfortunately, violence against ethnic minorities
continues world-wide.”


CONTACT:
Dr. Amin Elshorbagy – CIC National President:
Cell: 306-241-6757
cicnp@canadianislamiccongress.com
THE CANADIAN ISLAMIC CONGRESS
#115B, 115 – 2nd Avenue North
Saskatoon, SK S7K 2B1
www.canadianislamiccongress.com

ARU DIRECTOR GENERAL MEETS WITH THE FOREIGN MINISTER OF JORDAN

ARU DIRECTOR GENERAL PROF. DR. WAKAR UDDIN MEETS WITH THE FOREIGN MINISTER OF JORDAN H.E. NASSER JUDEH AT THE OIC FOREIGN MINISTERS CONFERENCE








The Foreign Minister of Jordan H. E. Nasser Judeh met the Director General of Arakan Rohingya Union, Prof. Dr. Wakar Uddin, at the OIC Foreign Ministers Conference in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. The meeting was also attended by Jordanian Foreign Ministry officials and Jordanian Press. The meeting with the Foreign Minister covered the current situation in Arakan and chronic political and human right issues faced by Rohingya ethnic minority in Burma/Myanmar. 

The Foreign Minister asked Dr. Uddin to provide the details of the cause of the recent violence by Buddhist Rakhine against Rohingya people. Dr. Uddin provided two different perspectives that occurred concurrently in Myanmar. “There is a long standing hate and bigotry against Rohingya by Buddhist Rakhine prior to independence. Dr. Uddin told the Foreign Minister that these types of violence against Rohingya by Buddhist Rakhine are chronic problems which are fueled by the immense hostility against Rohingya by former Burmese military regime and current government. “It is absolutely deplorable that the new government, despite so-called democratic reforms, is continuing the same policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide” He added. He further elaborated the recent response to UN officials by President Thein Sein that Rohingya people are not citizens of Myanmar, and they should be transferred to a third country or just keep them in camps. “His such incendiary statements instigated Rakhine to further commit the violence against Rohingya – this was not just a slip of his tongue, but it was something that the government wants to believe” Dr. Uddin explained. The Foreign Minister was stunned when Dr. Uddin indicated that Rohingya people, who the President Thein Sein evidently abhors, overwhelmingly voted for him and his USDP party candidates. “Strangely enough, now the President is saying that these people who voted for him are not citizens of Burma. I believe he will have a lot of explaining to do to the international community and the civilized community of nations of the world” Dr. Uddin stated. He also explained how the violence by Buddhist Rakhine has quickly transitioned to cold blooded murders of Rohingya by Burmese police force in Arakan. “They are arresting hundreds of Rohingya men and women, and they are reportedly kept in various prisons in Arakan. 


There are horrifying reports coming out from the prisons that the Rohingya men and women are kept together in the same halls without clothes. Discharge of dead bodies from the prisons has also been seen, according to reports” he stated. 


Another important point he mentioned was that the military hardliners in the current military-dominated Burmese government was poised to deprive Rohingya people the flavor of democracy because true democracy guarantees human rights. “All evidences gathered from the sequence of events on the ground in Arakan and the Burmese media war on Rohingya are clearly pointing straight to preplanning and coordination violence by Rakhine and the military hardliners. They evidently did not want democracy in Arakan, rather a military rule – that is happening now; therefore, they can continue their old policy of ethnic cleansing without any legal ramification” Dr. Uddin added. Other issues discussed were the long history of Rohingya in Rohang region of Arakan and more importantly the current humanitarian crisis faced by Rohingya in various townships in Arakan. “The Rohingya victims are not getting supplies in most areas because local Rakhine and Burmese officials are diverting the food supplies to Rakhine people. The OIC, United Nations, and other international organizations present must be present on the ground, working side by side with the Burmese officials. “The supplies given to Rohingya people recently by the visiting Turkish Foreign Minister were robbed from Rohingya by police, after his delegation left Arakan. Also, the government-picked interpreter reportedly falsified statements made by the victims when they met the Foreign Minister; how can you trust these people in the Burmese government?” he emphatically said. He appealed to the Foreign Minister for urgent humanitarian aid “We are running out of time. The Rohingya victims are facing starvation in several areas. Losing one day in supplying food, medicine, and shelter could result in losing hundreds of Rohingya lives” Dr. Uddin stressed.

The Jordanian Foreign Minister H.E. Nasser Judeh assures Dr. Uddin of commitment of full support for Rohingya people by HRH King Abdullah of Jordan

Why Did The 8888 Generation Fall Into The Army’s Trap? | Prof Kanbawza Win

88 Generation Group : 

By:August 12, 2012

An open letter written in Burmese by little Ma Hla Myaing to the 8888 generation leaders of Burma seems to hit the nail on the head.1 The Tatmadaw (Burmese Army) visualise that the 8888 generations is the upcoming force to reckon, because it is a movement and not a political party. The Tatmadaw visualise that NLD is nothing without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and is incapable of producing young and vibrant leaders and unlike the 8888 generation who can not only organize but also works hands in glove with the Burmese Diaspora communities is more of a threat. It also sensed that NLD cannot keep its house in order.2

The master brains of the Tatmadaw cleverly crafted the policy of “Let the minority fight the minority” pitting national sovereignty versus humanitarian and human rights, just to discredit the Lady, on her trip to Europe and shore up the army’s image. But instead it finds itself on hot pebbles, compelling them to let Turkey Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu tour Arakan State, who advised the Burmese government to accept an independent enquiry commission from OIC (Organization of Islamic Cooperation of 56 Islamic states promoting Muslim solidarity in economic, social, and political affairs) and being targeted by Islamic extremists organizations of the world. In Burmese we say instead of trapping a rabbit, the house cat was caught.

What a shame for the country and the government which paints the picture that it is unable to settle its own domestic problem is being forced to accept international arbitration.

Clearly the continuing conflict in Burma is not simply fought in terms of restoring democracy and human rights. It must be emphasized that there is a deeper politics of historical memories, which continues to serve as one of the biggest obstacles to national reconciliation. Historians know well that every story has many sides, many aspects, and many dimensions to explore. When a story is about such a topic as faith or politics, emotions can quickly become charged.3 Politics and contemporary history often intertwine, and inextricably connect, as individuals advocate for beliefs and ideas important to them. When history and beliefs are challenged, it is easy to believe we ourselves are being challenged. Unchecked, this can open old wounds, and further the distance between us.4

Each community feels a need to retain its sense of self, its collective memory in the face of the Myanmar-centered vision of the Burmese nation by the government, which the ethnic nationalities have come to view as colonial power. The government’s version of Burma’s history is radically different from what their own communal and ethnic memories teach them. Should any one group operate with racial or ethnic superiority – as Myanmar Buddhists have often done – it is certain to trigger deep resentment and forceful, dysfunctional expression of ethno-nationalisms of the most intense category? The value of memories, like anything that is human and socially constructed, has its limits. When two competing memories collide, as it were, the reliance on memories sets back the clock of history (of a nation) today one of independence, where the primordial sentiments surge. It is no longer fruitful to use the past events or memories as a guide.

Unfortunately, it is inconceivable that these differences in memories can be sorted out in any mutually satisfactory way, given the sorry state of hardened ethnic distrust and irreconcilable versions of these memories among different ethnic communities each of who views Burma as their ancestral home. For instance, the military leaders and the great majority of the Mahar Myanmar share a belief that the present day Burma developed in a linear fashion straight from the founding of the first Burmese kingdom at the central plains of Pagan in the 11th century. Only the British colonization of the Myanmar Kingdom disrupted this historical development. They believe in the accounts of their mighty, expansionistic imperialist empires with subordinate alliances made up of multi-ethnic and multi-language communities, including the Shan, the Arakanese, the Mons, and so on, encompassing the present day Burma and its political boundaries and, at times, stretching into neighbouring India and Thailand are their subordinates and hence should not be treated as equal. How to get rid of this erroneous disease is a major problem.5

A wildly different version is in circulation among non-Myanmar ethnic groups. In his report on State Constitutions Drafting Process, General Secretary Lian H. Sakhong of the United Nationalities League for Democracy writes:

“The Union of Burma is a nation-state of diverse ethnic nations (ethnic nationalities or nationalities), founded in 1947 at the Panglong Conference by pre-colonial independent ethnic nationalities such as the Chin, the Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Rakhine (Arakan), Myanmar (Burman) and Shan based on the principle of equality. As it was founded by formerly independent peoples in 1947 through an agreement, the boundaries of the Union of Burma today are not historical.”

This is a representative view among many non-Myanmar ethnic groups in Burma. These divergent – and obviously irreconcilable – memories die hard, and there is no way a common threat out of these divergent histories can be drawn. Despite the polemics of federalism, some of the ethnic groups such as the Shan appear to have kept their independence aspirations.

The Myanmar military leadership is fully aware of these centrifugal tendencies backed up by corresponding or supporting historical memories of various ethnic communities. How should Burma proceed if its histories are tortured and unhelpful?

If her past is no guide – and then perhaps her future – more accurately, how the parties want Burma’s future to be – the vision for a future Burma – can serve as a blueprint. Such a vision born out of civic, national debate is solely needed, and so are the leaders who are equipped intellectually to appreciate this process and not allow them to succumb to powerful primordial sentiments in the process. No doubt the flames of ethno-nationalisms of Burma will continue to burn, given the fact that many non-Myanmar ethnic communities have felt that they have been deprived of equality, politically, culturally and economically under the Myanmar dominated rule for so long. The distrust and fear of the Myanmar commonly shared by non-Myanmar groups throughout the country began long before the nationalist army headed by Aung San came into existence in 1941.

Tatmadaw have become a state within the State with its own short- and long-term plans designed to ensure the institutional survival, dominance, and reproduction in the country, and this is the structural issue that can help explain the longevity of the Tatmadaw as the dominant political force. The NLD may be the most popular brand name and symbol of democratic change or the push for it, but it is the Tatmadaw which the majority of people have come to view as the institution which can repel any threats, external and internal, to the country’s territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence as was demonstrated in the Mujahid crisis in Western Burma’s sectarian crisis.

Throughout Burma’s society, not excluding the Myanmar majority communities, there is widely shared a great deal of animosity and hatred toward the Tatmadaw and the military officers at all levels, not just the top brass. However, most Burmese have a sense of Myanmar-centered nationalism and feel some ideological affinity with their military rulers, more than our cosmopolitan, “enlightened” Myanmar politicians who speak a language littered with words like “federalism” or “self-determination.”

Suffice it to say no Myanmar politician, however popular, has articulated where he or she really stands on the question of ethnic nationalities right to self-determination, including the right to secede from the Union of Burma. They all take the majority position that under no circumstances is secession of any group acceptable. For no matter how much animosity between the people – especially the Myanmar or those who have bought into this Myanmar-centered nationalism or worldview – and the Tatmadaw personnel, they all drink from the same ideological well-spring. This shared ideological bond serves as an unbroken structural linkage between the Tatmadaw and the majority Myanmar. It is a bond based on ethno-nationalistic emotions that give the great majority of people a strong sense of belonging to a national community in which they are dominant. It is a much more powerful bond than that which may have developed among NLD supporters subscribing to a set of liberal political values and beliefs with no root in the native political culture. As far as the Myanmar majority, their blood is still thicker than the water of friendship.

While the democratic Myanmar wishes to befriend and adopt liberal values and outlook, when push comes to shove, they will go with their blood ties at the expense of equality and ethnic justice. This is where the 8888 Generation falls. The country’s structural bond of ethno-nationalism plays out even among relatively sophisticated dissidents in exile during discussions, on-line or otherwise, that touch on ethnic equality, self-determination and re-constructing alternative histories of Burma and the ethnic communities. When juxtaposed with the ideological discourse of human rights and democracy, it is elevated as the mainstream ideology among the NLD-led democracy movement.

Likewise, Thai-Burma and Indo-Burmese border-based dissident organizations and armed resistance groups always encounter occasions, formal and otherwise, in which the position taken by Myanmar dissidents resembles that of their ideological kinfolks – the members of the military government and its official view toward ethnic relations in the country. Indeed, in the half-century since independence, the Myanmar and the non Myanmar are still mired in what Clifford Geertz terms ” the pattern of primordial dissidence.”

If the Burmese authorities continue to teach the Myanmar version of history in the Burma proper area as it is their right in as much as the ethnic nationalities continue to teach their version of history in the their own respective States and divisions and not to the whole country, it will slowly erode the Pyidoungsu spirit. In the ethnic dominated states their version of history will have to be taught as the ethnic nationalities cannot impose their version of history to the Myanmar group vice versa in as much as the Myanmar cannot impose their version on the ethnic nationalities. For history is the study of the past of the whole country the History of the Union of Burma or rather Pyidaungsu History(jynfaxmifpkordkif;) which started with the Panglong Accord should be taught. Then it must be imposed on the education of the whole country. This is just but one way of solving the historical memories and well as tantamount to solidifying the Union Spirit or Pyidoungsu Seikdat (jynfaxmifpkpdwf “gwf) and that the Myanmar and the non Myanmar are equals.

No doubt Burma’s human rights situation has improved notably in some respects but it has significantly worsened in Kachin and Arakan states. Freedoms of assembly and expression remain restricted, and hundreds of political prisoners and many prisoners of conscience remain in jail. In several ethnic minority areas, the army continues to commit violations of international human rights and humanitarian law against civilians, including acts that may constitute crimes against humanity or war crimes, Amnesty International said in a statement submitted to the UN Human Rights Council.

“Many of these reported crimes are taking place despite cease-fire agreements between the Myanmar army and the relevant ethnic minority armed groups, the cease-fire is not being obeyed, while in others serious human rights violations continue even when the fighting has stopped.”6

It also cited “credible accounts” of the army using prison convicts as porters, forcing them to act as human shields and minesweepers. Latest report indicates that in exterminating the Kachin the Tatmadaw has deployed over 100 battalions of troops and t least 55,000 people have been internally displaced since fighting resumed in mid-2011. Extrajudicial executions, children killed by shelling and other indiscriminate attacks, forced labour, and unlawful confiscation of food and property are the usual standard of the Burmese army.7 The Investigation and prosecution of human rights violations and crimes against humanity are obstructed by Article 445 of the 2008 Constitution, which stipulates that “no proceeding” may be instituted against officials of the military governments since 1988 “in respect of any act done in the execution of their respective duties.”

In an early February statement, Ojea Quintana stressed that moving forward on Burma cannot ignore or whitewash what happened in the past, and that acknowledging the violations suffered will be necessary to ensure national reconciliation and prevent future violations from occurring. It seems that the Thein Sein administration, like the previous Junta will continue to uphold, “Lying the very concept of truth.” and so the international community and the world at large must improve its understanding of the aspirations of Burma’s ethnic nationalities and give greater attention to addressing the needs of these ethnic nationalities in discussions of the country’s human rights situation before indulging in trade and development works.

Notes:
1. I label her as little because I saw her picture flashed on the media when she just was a little girl that participated alongside with her elder brother Tin Maung OO who was first student to be hanged by the Burmese army way back in 70s, now a responsible person looking after her parents and the rest of the family in Canada is carrying on the fight.
2. I learned that my Article “Killing two Birds with a Stone, a Win Win Situation” ideas an attempt of solving the Rohingya and Chinese crisis which was emailed to the lady never reaches her. On following up I lamentably discovered that even the major broadcasting stations of the world had to bribe her associates in order interview her. Very lately she herself has to discharged some of her handpicked followers The moral corruption initiated by Ne Win administrations runs deep.
3. May Oo, Naw; “Reconciliation needed for a United Burma” Irrawaddy Magazine 16th March 2010
4. May Oo, Naw; “Reconciliation needed for a United Burma” Irrawaddy Magazine 16th March 2010
5. The proof of this can be seen in the monumental statutes in Naypyidaw
6. Mizzima News 12-2-2012 U.N. should consider commission of inquiry on Burma
7. Mizzima 5 -6 -2012 Fighting in Kachin State Detailed in Free Burma Ranger’s Report

UK Foreign Secretary William Hague spoke about ongoing violence in Burma

Foreign Secretary stresses need to end violence in Burma  
“The UK, as ever, stands ready to assist the government of Burma in its efforts to develop Rakhine State, to share our knowledge and experience of tackling the many complex and long-standing issues to be overcome and, as Burma continues its path towards establishing full democracy, to support an inclusive political settlement that protects the rights of all members of the local population.

“Whilst the reform process has already borne many fruits, we remain seriously concerned about the nature and extent of the recent violence. We have urged the government to resolve the crisis by taking effective and lawful steps to prevent any further violence, in accordance with international human rights law. We have also called upon the communities based there to act with restraint. We have done the same with our international partners, and in international institutions, such as the European Union and the United Nations.

“We join Mr Quintana in stressing the need to end the violence; to grant full and unhindered humanitarian access to the areas affected; to allow the affected communities to safely return to their homes; and to support the restitution of property that was seriously damaged or destroyed. We encourage the government to ensure that it treats the affected communities fairly and equitably and to ensure that the authorities prevent any further bloodshed. There is also a need to seek a long term solution to the problems they face in a manner which recognises their human rights, including their right to nationality, and to take effective steps which prevents any further forced or involuntary displacement and which does not leave them permanently displaced.

“Furthermore, we also join Mr Quintana in calling for the release of all those people who have been arbitrarily detained, irrespective of their ethnic background, and express the need for the government to carry out an independent, fair and prompt investigation in to the violence, in particular the allegations of serious crimes within the communities and human rights violations by the security forces, and for those found guilty of such crimes and human rights violations to be held accountable. In addition we repeat our calls on the government to release and rehabilitate all remaining political prisoners.”

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Maung daw, Arakan state, Myanmar (Burma)
I am an independent man who voted to humanitarian aid.