Rohingya Deny the Baseless and Biased News by VOA and RFA this Morning By Nyi Nyi Aung on Behalf of Rohingya Community

Saturday, 13th October 2012 ,Sittwe, Arakan- Last night (i.e. on 12th October 2012 night) Rakhine extremist in the downtown of Sittwe surrounded the remaining Rohingyas and their villages. Thousands of Rohingyas would have been killed in a few hours had not Military been there in time to control the situation. In reality, some current targets of Rakhine extremists are killing Rohingyas, burning down their properties, raping their women and under-aged girls and confiscation of their lands.

But the contradicting news (to the reality) broadcasted by VOA and RFA this morning shocked and awestruck the Rohingya community in Arakan. The news was baseless, biased and mishandling of the media. To tell the truth, spreading hatred, pretending and lying are some of the propaganda that Rakhine extremists are withholding to cover up their crimes. Rakhine media and other Burmese media are doing serious harms to Rohingya community in the ongoing violence.

Since 1942, Rakhine extremists have been planning to make Arakan free of Rohingyas and Muslims. In addition, a systematic ethnic cleansing of Rohingyas was initiated by the then dictator, Gen. Ne Win and his followers. Likewise, 1982 Citizenship Law was a creation of Ne Win and Rakhine radicals to depopulate Rohingya population number. As of today, the atrocities against Rohingyas are preplanned attempts by the Burmese regime and Rakhine extremists to root out Rohingyas from Arakan.

As to the false news broadcasted by VOA and RFA this morning, Rohingyas demand an apology and to make correction to the news.

Edited by M.S. Anwar

Stateless in Burma: Rohingya word wars by Amal de Chickera

In order to understand how the ‘Rohingya crisis’ has come to pass we need to consider the narrative built by three groupings of international actors - the Burmese government, host countries for Rohingya who have fled and the international community at large.

‘Rohingya crisis’ is a much bandied phrase these days. Since June this year, arbitrary arrests, disappearances, burnings, beatings, rapes, killings and other forms of persecution against this most marginalised group have led to human rights and humanitarian crises which have tainted the landscape of Rakhine State in Western Burma and given substance to the term. In order to understand how these developments have come to pass, we need to consider the narrative built around the crisis by three groupings of international actors - the Burmese government, host countries for Rohingya who have fled and the international community at large. Amidst the jockeying for position in the discourse - and opportunities to define it - the human impact of the crisis appears to have been relegated to the background. As a result, it seems that we are no closer to a solution that is just and equitable and that respects the human rights of the Rohingya.

In the context of the Rohingya crisis, the international community at large comprises two main interest groups – the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and what can loosely be termed as the western block (the EU, US and Australia etc.). These countries have varying degrees of interest in the Rohingya issue specifically and conflicting economic and geo-political interests in Burma more widely. According to their narratives, the Rohingya are clear victims both within Burma and (to a lesser extent) in the countries to which they flee. A sub-text to the western block version of this narrative is that the Burmese democratic transition process is also suffering because of this and other 'communal conflicts' in Burma.

According to the narrative of Bangladesh, Malaysia, Thailand and other countries which host large numbers of Rohingya refugees, the ‘crisis’ endures because of the lack of straightforward solutions to the problem. Burma is responsible, but the Rohingya are both victim (inside Burma) and burden (in their own countries). It must be noted that Bangladesh and Malaysia are also member states of the OIC.

Burma views the crisis as one caused by the existence of these unwanted people and their encroachment into its territory.
The Burmese Narrative - The Illegal, Unwanted Migrant Bengali

Let’s begin with the most repellent narrative – the Rohingya are illegal immigrants; land stealing encroachers; criminals who procreate like rabbits; dark skinned and ugly. In this view they certainly do not belong in Burma. In fact, this narrative posits that the term ‘Rohingya’ is a fiction – they are all ‘Bengali’. This racist, totally unfounded and hate-inciting position is that of the Burmese regime. It is a narrative that is shared by many Burmese, including leaders of the democratic movement and those who have never seen a Rohingya in their lives. Dating back decades, it has been used to justify acute discrimination, exclusion, abuse and violence against the Rohingya. The power of this narrative is such that in 1982 it was the basis upon which the Rohingya were stripped of their nationality. They were thus rendered stateless, which means that they are not considered as nationals by any State under the operation of its law.

The main arena within which this narrative has played out is within Burma and amongst diaspora groups. However, the regime has not shied away from making formal statements along these lines internationally: at gatherings of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), amongst diplomats and to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. No doubt, words spoken internationally have domestic audiences in mind, but they probably also stem from an understanding that the ‘new’ Burma cannot continue to operate with the impunity and isolation of the old; that it needs to engage with and attempt to win over non-Burmese actors, or in the very least, make a strong case as to why it will not succumb to international pressure.

Contested histories are an extremely potent tool for those who engage in the business of lies – they shift focus from the present to the past and divert attention from the core issues. The Burmese regime has expertly negotiated the situation, playing Rakhine (the Buddhist majority population of Rakhine State) against Rohingya, drawing on absurd historical accounts and creating a Rohingya ‘fiction’ which they have used to justify their unjustifiable laws, policies and actions. Over time these laws, policies and actions have imposed a new reality on Rakhine state in which exclusion, discrimination and arbitrariness have become the norm; marriage without bribery-induced permission is a crime; forced migration is the most common type of movement and return to Burma is illegal. The untrue narrative of ‘illegal migrant’ has taken on a truth of its own as those who commit the crime of fleeing persecution cannot legally return. In 1978, about 200,000 Rohingya who fled the country and were forcibly returned thus substantiated the ‘illegal immigrant’ narrative. Similar numbers ‘illegally migrated’ out of and back into Burma in the 1990s.

Rohingya names are also being struck off ‘family lists’ – often the only type of documentation for Rohingya and consequently the only proof that they were born in Burma. After the violence erupted in June 2012, security personnel have reportedly been visiting Rohingya homes and striking off the family list the names of persons not present at the time. They may have gone to the shops, been in hiding or been ‘disappeared’ by those very security forces or fled to Bangladesh. Whatever the reason, their absence from home renders them ‘illegal’.

Over time, and perhaps because of international pressure, this narrative has become more nuanced. The Burmese President has in some forums admitted that illegal migration is minimal and that the real problem is the Rohingya population explosion. This shift in discourse adds another layer of complexity and confusion to the narrative, particularly because it hasn’t replaced the ‘illegal immigrant’ argument, but rather formed a parallel track. Both versions (they are illegal immigrants and they multiply too aggressively) stem from the xenophobic position that the Rohingya are foreign invaders taking over Burmese lands.

The narrative does not end there. It goes on to absolve the regime of any responsibility. The fact that the Rohingya are ‘illegal immigrants’ is meant to explain why they are hated by the rest of Burma, and particularly by the Rakhine whose lands they have encroached on. This, it is posited, has driven the local ‘legal’ population to violence – and understandably so. Accordingly, the Burmese regime does not endorse the violence but, in the face of such strong sentiment, it has been powerless to prevent it from happening.

The contradictions are plentiful: Burma blocks humanitarian aid being received by those most in need; Burmese security personnel have played an active role in the violence and other crimes committed; and any contention that this all-powerful regime that yesterday ruled with an iron fist is today unable to control civilians acting on their own accord is simply laughable.

New 'retaliatory' attacks on Myanmar's Rohingyas

Rohingya activists have alleged that Myanmar's Buddhist protesters have launched fresh attacks on Muslims in retaliation to last week's attacks by Muslims on Buddhist temples and houses in Bangladesh. 

Nurul Islam, a Rohingya activist in Bangladesh, told DW that a number of Myanmar Buddhists took out a protest rally on Sunday against the attacks on Buddhist temples and houses in Bangladesh. He alleged that the protesters attacked a 400-year-old mosque and burnt hundreds of copies of the Muslim holy book, the Koran, and other religious texts.
"In the past few days, many Burmese Buddhists have launched a series of attacks on Muslims," Islam said. "They are posting derogatory texts and pictures about Islam on social networking websites. They seem to be retaliatory attacks.”

Last month, an outbreak of anti-Buddhist rioting in Bangladesh left at least four temples and dozens of homes gutted by fire. Muslims had taken to the streets to protest against an internet photo they said defamed Islam. At least 20 people were believed to have been injured in these riots. The rioters targeted the Bangladeshi town of Ramu and its adjourning villages, some 350 kilometers (216 miles) from the capital, Dhaka.

Deadly riots erupted in Myanmar's Rakhine state in June. Rohingya activists claim that more than 650 Rohingyas have so far been killed in these riots.

"After the violence broke out in Rakhine in June, the Buddhists started using social networking sites to organise attacks on Rohingyas," Aung Kyaw Oo, a member of the Rohingya community, told DW. "Now, after the attacks on Buddhists in Bangladesh, they have taken the anti-Rohingya campaign to a new height."
The prejudice

Bangladesh has started turning Rohingya away

Myanmar's Rohingyas live predominantly in the western state of Rakhine. They are not officially recognized by the Burmese government as an ethnic minority group, and for decades they have been subjected to discrimination and violence by the Buddhist majority.
Viewed by the United Nations and the US as one of the world's most persecuted minorities, many Rohingyas have fled to neighboring countries such as Bangladesh and India to escape persecution.

Despite the fact that Myanmar has embarked on a series of political and economic reforms, human rights organizations and activists say the situation of Myanmar's ethnic communities has not improved significantly.

Mark Farmaner, head of the Burma Campaign UK, says that anti-Muslim prejudice is not restricted to the Rohingyas, and that it is certainly on the rise.

"While I was in Myanmar just before the start of the crisis, I came across anti-Muslim prejudice everywhere. This prejudice is encouraged by the Burmese government, with ministers making derogatory remarks about Muslims publicly," said Farmaner.

But experts say it is difficult to get credible information out of the region. They say it is hard to tell the difference between rumors, propaganda and the truth.

US Striving to Solve Rohingya Issue 2012-10-10

But rights groups say Burma's government is not moving fast enough to help.
 

Muslim women hold their children at their house in Sittwe, June 6, 2012.

The United States is working with the international community to find a resolution to the troublesome Rohingya issue, including possible citizenship for members of the Muslim minority group in Burma, officials say.

But rights groups do not see significant moves under way by the Burmese government to fully address the problem, even in efforts to pave the way for the return home of thousands of Rohingyas displaced by deadly violence in northwestern Rakhine state in June.

State Department refugee expert Kelly Clements said that recent talks between the U.S. and Burma have “explored how the international community can assist the Burmese government in long-term recovery efforts” following the violence, in which more than 80 died and 75,000 were displaced, mostly Rohingyas.

Additionally, an end to the Rohingyas’ stateless status must be found for those members of the group who can make valid claims to citizenship, Clements said on Tuesday at a forum held by the Open Society Foundation in Washington.

“We explored how the international community can assist the Burmese government in long-term recovery efforts and the development of a path to citizenship for those Rohingya with claims.”

“Peace is possible in Rakhine State only through economic development, poverty alleviation and ensuring basic rights for residents,” Clements said.

Stateless

The Rohingya are not recognized as an ethnic group in Burma even though many members of the group have lived in the country for decades. They have been classified by the U.N. as one of the world’s most persecuted minorities.

Clements said citizenship is often the gateway to a person’s ability to realize a range of human rights and basic services, including freedom of movement, freedom from discrimination and arbitrary arrest and detention, the right to vote, access to education, and property ownership.

“Citizenship is a core concept that defines the relationship between a state and an individual—each has obligations to the other.”

The Rohingya, a people whose ethnic identity and origin are highly disputed, were rendered stateless in Burma by the passage of the 1982 Myanmar Citizenship Law.

Clements said that some historical accounts note that Rohingyas have been indigenous to Rakhine since the 9th century.

Rakhine was at one time the kingdom of Arakan, which also occupied southern parts of modern Bangladesh. Burma's 800,000 Rohingya speak a dialect similar to one spoken in Bangladesh, where some 300,000 Rohingya also live.

Other accounts claim that the Rohingya migrated to the region during the British colonial period, Clements said.

“This latter claim has consistently fueled anti-Rohingya sentiment, leading to periodic tension and violence against the Rohingya by the former military regime after Burma gained independence.”

Clements said that peace in Rakhine state, where more than 80 died in the June violence by official count, and where about 75,000 from both the Rohingya and the Rakhine Buddhist communities remain displaced, will be restored only through economic development, poverty alleviation, and guarantees of basic rights for residents.

The U.S., she said, is working closely with the international community and countries affected by Rohingya displacement to reach a “comprehensive, sustainable, and just solution to their plight.”

“Our commitment to resolving this intractable problem is clear,” Clements said.

'Nothing on track'

Despite talks between the United States and Burma, though, rights groups do not expect any resolution to the issue soon.

While discussions on bringing peace to Rakhine have taken place, “nothing that needs to happen is on track to happen,” said Human Rights Watch Asia advocacy director John Sifton, also speaking at the Open Society Foundations.

“The current situation is intolerable,” Sifton said.

“Huge amounts of political pressure need to be placed on the Burmese government to make things happen, and that’s pressure that the United States government and the EU [European Union] will have to bring to bear.”

Following the June violence in Rakhine, Burma’s national government seemed to have no plan to return people to their homes, Sifton said.

“Unfortunately, [this] still seems to be the case.”

The United States and other concerned countries should ask the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights to set up an office in Burma to serve as a “neutral arbiter of facts and recommendations,” Sifton said.

Though Burma now receives regular visits from U.N. Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Tomas Quintana, an established office could fully monitor the post-violence situation in Rakhine, the release of Burmese political prisoners, and cease-fires negotiated with Burma’s other ethnic groups, Sifton said.

“So from the beginning, we’ve been raising this as a thing that needs to be done and could have a huge impact for all of Burma.”

The Best Solutions to Solve Rakhine and Rohingya issues in Arakan State Myanmar

The Best Solutions to Solve Rakhine and Rohingya issues in Arakan State Myanmar

I still remember every single day of my life where I grown up in Maungdaw Township, Arakan State. We went to school without any fear, bullying and discrimination. We also went to the Mosque, Arabic school for practising Islam. We also participated in various National Event day activities including sport. I also remember one of cousin who is also my neighbour won 26 miles marathon by completing his run with 2hrs and 23mins on Union day sport celebration which is on 12th of February every year. During the winter pick seasons from November to February, Rakhine and Rohingya were always involving together on early morning jogging on the main Road which is connected Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships. Rohingya and Rakhine were always sharing food which usually provide by Lord of the farmers mainly Rohingya. (Lay Pying Shin). We also share sports together such as football, volleyball, Chin Lone. The most amazing event is Buffalo fight during the winter where Rakhine and Rohingya were attended together to enjoy.

Rohingya and Rakhine fail to realise that the grass root of harmonies are slowly infecting with various poison since Ne Win implemented 1982 citizenship Law. My personal feeling is that Rakhine are a looser on failing to realise so. Arakan state is called Rakhine State. Rakhine state is branded to be own by Rakhine, not Rohingya but Rohingya are belong Rakhine state (Arakan State). No one can deny that. On every state in Burma (Myanmar) or perhaps in any part of the world people are to live together regardless of race, ethnicity and religious. It is just like an example of having different types of Flower in the Flower Garden. I personally don’t blame to neither Rakhine community nor Rohingya for the recent riot in Arakan and also their continually built hatred on Rohingya. I simply want to say that they are not clever enough by not realising that they are falling into well prepared Ne Win and Than Shwe poisonous weapon which were designed to divert their crime, Politics and to hold up power as long as they live in this world.

1982 Citizenship Law is the only physically visible document among the equipment which used to fix Ne Win and Than Shwe’s political black hole. There are many others which are invisible but can realise only if someone have been to Arakan State particularly northern part. The most powerful weapon beside 1982 citizenships law was implementing hatred and bullying through institutions such as school, government offices, and government departments. High ranking government officials never incite hate and bullying directly. They just ignite to implement hate and bully to their staffs who were Rakhine against Rohingya and Rakhine took advantage to start spreading. From school, it spread to young children, from government offices it spread to the parent, from government department it spread to the general public.

I started feeling racial discrimination, bullying and hate since 1990s when SLORC came to power. General Khin Nyint who is lefthand man of Nay Win succeeded his God father policy towards Rakhine and Rohingya. Khin Nyint is the person who understand very well on how to incite between Rakhine and Rohingya as he career grown from northern part of Maungdaw Townships in Rohingya village. He even called a Rohingya Person named Abdul Salam from Bolly Bazar as God father who always feed him the best foods, fruits and milk from his farm. Khin Nyint visited his house during his power several times when ever he went to Maung Daw townships. But on another side he is not loyal to his Rohingya God father instead he is more Loyal to his Military God father. 9 out 10 Rohingya believed that Khin Nyint is master mind on Rohingya extermination program by using Rakhine as a fuel to burn down.

Arakan State is fully infected with poisonous virus before 2010 election. No one from new government considered or considering to cure it on their effort to change the country from the darkness to the light for two reasons. First is as the Rohingya issues become so complicated due to Rakhine built up their hate on Rohingya as implemented by passed government and another is Government itself not taking it seriously because of worry that Rakhine may be fighting like Kachin to get Natural recourses share from Arakan State or separate state. President Thein Sein and most of his high level government official’s background is the same regimes as before 2010 who were familiar with rakhine state which is easy to turn political war fare to Communal Riot to divert attention.

I believed solving Rakhine state issues between rohingya and Rakhine can only be through institution such as school, Government offices and Government department. Thien Sein government need to remove all invisible poisonous system from Arakan State and develop institution which develop visible harmony. School teachers need to be trained to teach children against hate, racial discriminations and bullying. This shall be part of national school curriculum.A system need to set up for fairness, a law need to implement for Racial attack or harassment, equal opportunity shall be for both Rohingya, Rakhine and other ethnic need to be in place, Judgment on criminals for both Rohingya and Rakhine shall be according to Law but not according to their background. No matter how much UN, Europe, UK, USA, OIC AND ASEAN will try their best to bring peace in Arakan State, surely peace will not come until President Thein Sein has set up all of above through his Presidency Power and Parliament. Here are some my slogan to Rakhine;

Rohingya only want peace. Not Riot 

Rohingya only want to live hormonally with Rakhine and all other ethnic in Arakan State. 

Rohingya only want to live as a Citizen of Burma as they are before. 

Rohingya only want equal rights same as all ethnic from Burma.

By

Ahamed Jarmal, 

Arakan Born Senior Civil Engineer from London

BREAKING NEWS (SITTEW) 12-10-2012

Rakhine terrorists are starting to kill Rohingyas in Akyab

Sittew , 12-10-2012 ,Rakhine terrorists including Rakhine monks, Rakhine paramilitaries and Rakhine polices have surrounded the Rohingyas in Maulik and Kasit of Akyab downtown since the evening. Rohingyas from the Maulik, run to Kasit Ywa where Rohingya majority live. Htin Linn, Minister of Border Affairs of Arakan said that there no enough militaries to protect Rohingyas from the big amount of Rakhine terrorists. It is crystal clear that Myanmar Central Government’s administration doesn’t enforce over the Rakhine State and Rakhine terrorists. Rakhine-Rohingya violence is not incident. It is a systematic preplanned ethnic cleansing. International Communities failed to protect the world’s most persecuted community, Rohingya.

Is Rakhine State Administration separated from Myanmar Central Administration?

On 12^th October, 2012, at 8:30pm (Myanmar Standard Time), uncountable Rakhine extremists and monks are surrounding the Aung Mingla quarter, where the majority of the residents are Rohingyas, in Sittway downtown. Although military troops are trying their best in order to control the extremist, the condition is extraordinarily in tense. The extremists are so serious that they even do not heed to the military troops. According to the imposed Act-144, not more than 5 people can gather in a place. Now (in the time of reporting) uncountable Rakhine extremist and monks are gathering to attack the Rohingya community in Sittway. It clearly shows that the Rakhine State administration is totally not following the instructions of the Central Administration. It can be concluded that the Rakhine State is already separated from Union of Myanmar in administrative issues. As of 12^th October, 2012, Union of Myanmar is of Seven Regions and 6 States remaining in administration. Up to 10:15pm (MST), the extremists are trying to attack the Rohingyas in the deeply dark night. No one can expect whether the Rohingyas from the said village will see the morning of tomorrow or not.

BANGLADESH: Rohingya refugees face more restrictions

DHAKA, 12 October 2012 (IRIN) - Activists warn of further restrictions on Rohingya refugees in southeastern Bangladesh following recent communal violence.

“Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh will likely face more restrictions on their movement or arrests and push-backs,” Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, an advocacy organization for the Rohingya, told IRIN on 12 October.

“We are seeing examples of that already on the ground.”

“Refugees International is concerned about the talk of further restrictions being imposed on Rohingya refugees in the Cox’s Bazar District of Bangladesh,” said Melanie Teff, a senior advocate with Refugees International.

The Rohingya - an ethnic, linguistic and religious minority who fled persecution en masse from Myanmar’s neighbouring Rakhine State decades ago - have long had a tenuous relationship with the Bangladeshi authorities who view them as illegal migrants.

Under Burmese law, they are de jure stateless and face constant persecution, say activists, while in Bangladesh they are barred from employment.

According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are more than 200,000 Rohingya in Bangladesh today, including more than 30,000 documented refugees living in two government-run camps [Kutupalong and Nayapara] within 2km of the Burmese border.

UNHCR has not been permitted to register newly arriving Rohingya since mid-1992. The vast majority of Rohingya are living in villages and towns in the area and receive little to no assistance as UNHCR is only allowed to assist those who are documented.

Blame game

On 1 October, Bangladesh Home Minister Mohiuddin Khan Alamgir accused the Rohingya of involvement in a series of attacks on minority Buddhist temples and homes in the southeast.

The violence was reportedly triggered by a photo posted on Facebook that insulted Islam at the end of September, resulting in some of the worst sectarian violence in Bangladesh in years.

Thousands of Muslims went on the rampage in predominately Buddhist areas, setting ablaze temples and monasteries, resulting in dozens of homes burned.

"The attacks on temples and houses in Buddhist localities in Ramu and neighbouring areas in Cox's Bazar (district) were perpetrated by radical Islamists," the minister told reporters.

"Rohingyas and political opponents of the government were also involved in the attack,” he added, describing the incident as a "premeditated and deliberate attempt" to disrupt communal harmony.

Recent violence in Rakhine State has displaced thousands
Following the violence, law enforcement agencies were instructed to restrict the movement of Rohingya refugees and curb their interactions with the local community - a move confirmed by refugees on the ground.

“New check posts were established and we are facing abnormal restriction after the Ramu incident,” a 20-year-old Rohingya youth, who asked not to be identified, told IRIN by phone.

Impact in Myanmar

The impact of these events in Myanmar is also a concern. “What’s happening in Bangladesh will only exacerbate communal tension inside Rakhine State,” Lewa said.

In June 2012 violence flared in Rakhine State forcing tens of thousands of Rohingya to flee both within Myanmar and across the border.

According to Myanmar government estimates, more than 70,000 people are now living in temporary camps and shelters following inter-communal conflict.

Of particular concern is forced segregation and protracted displacement in the state capital, Sittwe, where Rohingya who lost their homes in the violence have been moved into camps, says Refugees International.

Despite repeated advocacy efforts by UNHCR, civil society and the diplomatic community, Bangladesh decided to close its borders to persons fleeing the country.

Those who managed to make it to Bangladesh were rounded up and sent back. However, there are no reliable figures on the number of arrivals and the number refouled.

Bangladesh is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol.