Monday, 17 December 2012

Police Extorted A Rohingya Shopkeeper, Maung Daw


On 13 Dec 2012, at 3:00PM, Win Htay Oo, a police vice corporal went to a Rohingya shopkeeper Mohamed Solam s/o Kasim (27Yr) hailed from Nyaung Chaung village tract while he was selling his own shop (Shop no: 3C-13) in Maung Daw Municipal Market where the police threatened the shopkeeper saying that he is included in the FIR list recently released by Maung Daw court. He was also told to pay money 200,000Ks otherwise he would be arrested and sentenced for long imprisonment. The police extorted 100,000Ks from Solam.
  The FIR lists was released for those who were involved in fuelling on creating the 8 June 2012 riot by Maung Daw court but most of the innocents Rohingyas who do not know anything about riot are included in this list. Due to this list many innocent Rohingyas were tortured, some were even killed and were hidden and some were sentenced for 10 or more year’s imprisonments. Polices have been threatening and extorting money from Rohingyas showing their imitated FIR list in Maung Daw and Buthidaung townships since it had been released. They have extorted even those Rohingyas who had been away from the towns for days with legal movement permission before 8 June 2012 riot begun.

BANGLADESH: NGO ban hurting undocumented Rohingya

A hut of plastic and twigs erected by an increasing number of undocumented Rohingya refugees at the Kutupalong makeshift site outside of Cox's Bazar (Photo - © David Swanson/IRIN) 
Some 40,000 undocumented Rohingya refugees are being adversely affected by a government ban four months ago on NGOs working at two makeshift sites in southeastern Bangladesh. 
“If we get some rice, we eat. Otherwise, we don’t eat,” Anowara Begum, an undocumented Rohingya refugee and 40-year-old mother-of-four at the Leda makeshift camp outside Nayapara, one of two makeshift sites outside two official government camps for Rohingya refugees told IRIN. 
"Since the NGOs stopped coming our kids don't get medicine. They don't get treated for what they need. They don't get the food they need," Sokeya Begum, 39, another undocumented Rohingya, said.
In August, Bangladeshi authorities ordered three NGOs - Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Action Against Hunger and Muslim Aid UK – to stop the formal delivery of humanitarian services, including health care and food to undocumented Rohingya refugees, saying such services would encourage more to flee to Bangladesh.
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), there are more than 200,000 Rohingyas in Bangladesh, of whom only 30,000 are documented and living in two government camps assisted by the agency. 
Some 12,000 documented refugees live at the Kutupalong camp in Cox’s Bazar District, with another nearly 18,000 further south at Nayapara - both within 2km of Myanmar. 
Documented refugees are provided food rations by the World Food Programme (WFP), along with shelter assistance, non-food items, water/sanitation services, vocational training and supplementary feeding for malnourished refugees by UNHCR. 
However, most Rohingya - a mainly Muslim ethnic group who fled persecution en masse to Bangladesh from Myanmar’s neighbouring Rakhine State years earlier - are undocumented. 
UNHCR has not been permitted to register newly arriving Rohingya since mid-1992. 
Only those who are documented receive regular assistance, while those who are undocumented are largely dependent on a handful of international NGOs who until recently were allowed to work in the area. 
Poor living conditions
Prior to the government ban, conditions in the makeshift camps were described by Physicians for Human Rights as “among the worst they had ever seen”.
Most people outside the Kutupalong camp are housed in ramshackle huts made of twigs and plastic sheeting, denied food aid, and live beside open sewers, the Boston-based group says.
In its most recent survey, MSF found that global acute malnutrition, one of the basic indicators for assessing the severity of a humanitarian crisis, was as high as 27 percent at the Kutupalong makeshift camp, where an estimated 20,000 unregistered refugees live - almost double the emergency threshold of 15 percent set by the World Health Organization.
No further surveys have been made since the ban took effect. 
In June, the Bangladeshi authorities effectively closed the door to Rohingya fleeing communal violence in Rakhine State in June and October which left dozens dead and thousands of homes destroyed. 
"We are not interested in more people coming to Bangladesh," Foreign Minister Dipu Moni told reporters at the time, noting that Bangladesh was already a densely populated country and could not afford a fresh influx.
Government figures suggest 200,000-500,000 undocumented Rohingya live in villages and towns outside the camps, many of them in Cox’s Bazar, Bandarban and Chittagong.
UNHCR has repeatedly called on Dhaka to lift the ban, but more than four months on it remains in place, leaving aid workers reluctant to comment on the record. 
“The situation here is very bad, it’s horrific,” Shahina Akter, a local nutrition volunteer who asked that her organization not be identified, citing issues of severe malnutrition.
“Because of the ban, it’s harder for us to help the Rohingya,” another aid worker who asked not to be identified, confirmed.

Phil Rees: Ask Me Anything on Myanmar


Al Jazeera
December 16, 2012


Filmmaker Phil Rees will be on Reddit answering your questions about 'The Hidden Genocide'.



Do you have questions about the Muslim Rohingya in Myanmar?
Then log onto reddit.com from 2100GMT on Sunday to join the chat with film maker Phil Rees.
Phil Rees' film 'The Hidden Genocide' is a story of a people fleeing the land where they were born, of a people deprived of citizenship in their homeland. It is the story of the Rohingya of western Myanmar, whose very existence as a people is denied.
"When you see measures preventing births, trying to deny the identity of the people, hoping to see that they really are eventually, that they no longer exist; denying their history, denying the legitimacy of their right to live where they live, these are all warning signs that mean it's not frivolous to envisage the use of the term genocide," said Professor William Schabas, the former president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars.
Phil Rees is a Welsh writer, reporter and documentary maker who has specialised in international relations. 
He has covered Asia, the Middle East, Africa and the Americas during a 30-year career in journalism. He reported from Myanmar in 1991 and lived in southeast Asia for seven years.
He has won a dozen international awards, including two from Britain's Royal Television Society. For nine years he was a BBC foreign correspondent and senior producer on the BBC's flagship global affairs programme.

Sunday, 16 December 2012

Greg Constantine: photographing Burma’s ‘Nowhere People’


KÜBRA GÖKÇE
Weekly Zaman
December 10, 2012

‘Stateless people are some of the most forgotten people in the world today. Statelessness is a complex issue that many people in the world today don’t even know exists. Many people can’t even fathom that a government would intentionally deny an entire group of people citizenship, that governments would use citizenship as a tool and in some cases a weapon to exclude and marginalise’
Greg Constantine is an award-winning photojournalist from the United States who is currently based in Southeast Asia. Since beginning his career as a photographer, he has worked on numerous projects, including “Moments from Modern Day Edo” (about Tokyo), “A Matter of Exposure” (about North Korean Refugees) and “The Road to Re-Entry” (about formerly incarcerated women in Watts, Los Angeles).
For the past six years, he has been working on a long-term project titled “Nowhere People”, which documents the impact that statelessness and the denial of citizenship has on ethnic minority groups around the world. He especially focuses on the struggles of the Rohingya minority ethnic group in Burma, who have been stripped of legal citizenship by the government and whose situation he describes as one of the “darkest and most dire”. With an aim to highlight the issue of global statelessness, his work has been widely published and exhibited in many countries, including Bangladesh, Cambodia, Thailand, Malaysia, Japan, Switzerland, Ukraine, Hong Kong and Kenya.
In an interview with Weekly Zaman, Greg Constantine speaks about “Nowhere People” and explains how the project today serves as a reminder of the existence of the millions of stateless people who he describes as “the most forgotten people in the world today”.
I’d like to ask about your personal history before we talk about your project. Can you tell us a little about yourself and how you got into photography?
I’m from the US and started my career as a photographer about eight years ago. I work primarily on long-term, self-assigned projects. My first project focused on North Korean refugees, many of which were children who were stateless. After living in Tokyo and then Los Angeles, I moved to Southeast Asia in late 2005 to begin work on my project “Nowhere People”.
Your work “Nowhere People” has been exhibited in several key cities around the world and also came to London’s Royal Albert Hall last November. Can you tell us about “Nowhere People”?
Originally, “Nowhere People” was going to be about one to two years long and focus primarily on stateless communities in Asia. I self-funded the project from 2006 to the end of 2008 because it was next to impossible to find anyone willing to provide funding. Slowly, the project started to receive attention. My work on statelessness in Asia was featured in a huge photo spread in the International Herald Tribune and the New York Times as well as some other really important regional magazines, which I think are crucial to the success of this project reaching important audiences.
After about one-and-a-half years of working on the project, it became clear to me that this was a global issue, so I decided to expand my project beyond Asia. I’ve collaborated with the UNHCR [the UN Refugee Agency] three times since 2008 [in Kenya, Ukraine and the Ivory Coast]. The UNHCR played a very important role in helping me to expand the project. Since then, I’ve managed to continue the project through grants. In late 2010, the UNHCR and UPS sponsored a large travelling exhibition of my “Nowhere People” project, and it is this exhibition that has travelled to all these key cities around the world.
What drew you to the issue of statelessness?
For one, no other photographer had really dedicated any length of time specifically on this issue. It really was uncharted territory, which was an opportunity for me. I also felt the issue of statelessness and the denial of citizenship touched on many themes that are fundamental to the way we live today -- that are fundamental to the way societies are administered, function and operate. Statelessness, and particularly the deliberate denial of citizenship by a state or people in power, challenges many of our definitions of identity. It exposes the power of the state over who belongs and who does not belong. It challenges the principles of an open and democratic society. It also challenges the fundamentals of who has the right to have human rights, if that makes any sense.
Besides all of this, history is a huge element of the issue of statelessness. To understand why many people are actually stateless, you need to understand how they became stateless; you need to learn the history, understand the history and, unfortunately, many of these histories are forgotten. ...
Stateless people are some of the most forgotten people in the world today. Statelessness is a complex issue that many people in the world today don’t even know exists. Many people can’t even fathom that a government would intentionally deny an entire group of people citizenship, that governments would use citizenship as a tool and in some cases a weapon -- like in Burma -- to exclude and marginalize people. So, I’ve been motivated to help shed light on the plight of many of these communities and also try to expose their stories to a wider audience. 
You focused in particular on the issue of the Rohingya from Burma. Who are the Rohingya and why did you decide to write a book about them?
The Rohingya are a Muslim minority group who have lived in the Rakhine State -- or historically known as Arakan -- in western Burma for generations. Today, they primarily live in the isolated townships of North Rakhine. They have been one of the most oppressed minority groups in the world for a very long time. Over the past 40 years, successive Burmese governments have claimed that the Rohingya are not from Burma but are migrants from Bangladesh and, even though during British colonial times there was a migration of people from the Indian subcontinent into Burma, the Muslim community [in] Rakhine have lived in Rakhine for centuries. Still, the Burmese authorities have done just about all that they can to exclude the Rohingya community from belonging to Burma. The Rohingya are denied most social, civil and economic rights and have been subjected to any number of human rights abuses. Rohingya have fled the abuse in Burma for decades. In 1978, 250,000 Rohingya fled Burma after a crackdown by Burmese authorities and the same thing happened again in 1991, when another 250,000 fled a crackdown. Right now, it is estimated that up to 300,000 Rohingya live in Bangladesh, most as unrecognised refugees.
As for my book, all of the work I have done on the Rohingya over the past six years has been done in Bangladesh. Their situation in Bangladesh, just like in Burma, is fluid. It changes, and I believe their story is one of the most serious cases of human rights abuse in the world today and one of the most extreme cases of protracted statelessness as well. To tell the story of the Rohingya the way I felt it needed to be told required me to spend years on the project. ... The book form permits me to tell the story the right way, the way the story deserves to be told, the way in which I think people will have a much better understanding of how complex and tragic the story of the Rohingya is.
You’ve been photographing the Rohingya Muslims for about six years now. Do you see a change in their situation and have they benefited from the recent reforms in Burma?
In the six years I’ve been photographing the Rohingya in Bangladesh, their situation has not improved at all. And the stories Rohingya have told me who have come out of Burma have not improved at all, either. Their situation has deteriorated. In Burma, the abuse they face at the hands of the Burmese security force, called Nasaka, has gotten worse. Not only have poor Rohingya fled North Rakhine in the past few years, but middle class Rohingya from North Rakhine have fled as well. Restrictions on the right to get married and the complications that come with these restrictions have gotten worse. Land seizure has gotten worse. The inability to travel freely has left Rohingya in North Rakhine destitute, with no other choice but to leave their homeland for Bangladesh. In southern Bangladesh, the Rohingya face growing intolerance, as was evident in the violent crackdown against them in 2012.
Bangladesh is a poor, overpopulated country with limited resources. Yes, this is true, but the neglect the Rohingya have faced in Bangladesh is a huge part of the larger story. And even though people criticise Bangladesh’s response to the Rohingya, one thing everyone needs to keep in mind -- the international community, EU, USA, ASEAN, etc. -- is that the root cause of the plight of the Rohingya rests with the abuse and exclusion they face in Burma. Have the Rohingya benefited from the recent reforms in Burma? Absolutely not. And a lot of other people in Burma have not benefited from the reforms as well, so the big question to many would be how can these reforms be considered legitimate when an enormous percentage of the population in Burma, including 800,000 Rohingya in Rakhine, have not seen much benefit from them?
What makes the Rohingya different from other stateless populations around the world?
For me, since I started my project “Nowhere People”, I’ve documented many groups of people who are stateless but, of all the groups, I think the outlook for the Rohingya has always been the darkest and most dire, specifically because there seems to be so little hope for solution in sight for them. One thing people need to recognise is that most stateless people are not refugees. They have never left the country of their birth but, mostly because of discrimination and intolerance, they are denied citizenship and the right to belong to their country of birth. Statelessness is often inherited from one generation to the next, so, in many places, generations of stateless people exist in their own countries, unrecognised, denied most fundamental rights and unable to belong to the larger fabric of society. The Rohingya is one of the only groups of people in my project who are also refugees. Successive Burmese governments, and specifically the Burmese government force called Nasaka, which is only found in the Rakhine State and nowhere else in Burma, have made life so miserable for the Rohingya, whether it be through abuse, extortion, forced labour, arbitrary land seizure or radical administrative measures like restricting the Rohingya’s ability to travel freely or restricting their ability to get married. They have no choice but to flee Burma to other countries, mostly Bangladesh.
For the billions of people on this planet who do have birth certificates, an ID card, a passport -- can you describe the pain stateless people feel?
The situation for stateless people is different all over the world. Their histories are different and the reasons why they have become stateless and continue to be stateless are different as well. But they do share some commonalities. Probably the biggest pain stateless people feel is this sense of paralysis for not being able to go about their lives like other human beings, this sense of having almost no control over their futures. Yes, stateless people are amazing in their ability to find ways to exist and make it from one day to the next, but, overall, the obstacles that have been built up in front of them are often too much for them to overcome, and I think this gives stateless people an overwhelming sense of helplessness. Being denied the ability to have vital documents, being denied the ability to have or pursue and educations, being denied the ability to own land or be legally employed or travel freely are all obstacles stateless people are faced with every day. More importantly, it is the sense of not belonging that is painful for stateless people. To be born in a place -- the same place as your father and his father -- and be denied the right to actually belong and be recognised by that place is also painful.

Thursday, 13 December 2012

Harassments and extortion money increased in Maungdaw south

Maungdawm Arakan State: Harassments and extortion money from Rohingya community by security forces are being increased step by step in Maungdaw south, said a local trader who denied to be named.

"More Rohingya villagers were arrested by Burma’s border security force (Nasaka) accompanied by the village Administration officer U Tin Maung ( a Rakhine) from Udaung village of Maungdaw south over the allegations that some of their relatives such as --- sons, brothers or other relatives  went to Malaysia-- on December 10.”
The nine arrested have been identified as--- Shabir, 33, son of Siddik, Sayed Akbar, 60, son of Abdu Rahaman, Ayas 20, son of Azizullah, Molana Osman, 35, son of Md. Hussain, Nagu 50, son of Abu Bakkar, Molana Ayub, 55, son of Fazal Ahmed, Nazir Ahmed 55, son of Mujeher, Alam, 25 son of Nur Ahmed, Arres 25, son of Sirazullah  Nazir Ahmed 27, son of Ahmadu, they all belong to Udaung village under Maungdaw township, said another local villager.
Of them, four villagers were arrested over the allegation that they were involved in violence occurred in June at Maungdaw township.
After arrest, they were severely beaten up by Nasaka and village Admin. However, they were released after taking money Kyat 100,000 to 300,000 by Nasaka and village Admin.
A villager said, "We have been suffering from shortage of food and forced us to stay in villages, and are not allowed to go out since June this year. We have lost all our properties in violence; we have no money to pay to the authorities. We are now unable to support our family members.”
Since June, we have no jobs, no access to do anything, at these circumstances, the concerned authorities come to our village, arrest our villagers and torture and take money. As a result, to avoid the arrest and torture, Rohingya villagers flee to abroad, especially to Malaysia, said a village elder.
After violence, many leaders and NGOs from the world visited Arakan State and gave pressure to the Burmese government to settle the problem as early as possible. But, the Burmese government takes no heed to solve the problem and the government is going to its programs ignoring the Rohingya issue. At this moment, local authorities with the help of State government press and oppress the local Rohingya community as they like, said a local politician.

Why is the Genocide against Rohingyas and Kamans Triggered Now? (An Analytical Point of View)

Photo - AFP
M.S. Anwar
December 14, 2012
There are many reasons on why the violence against Rohingyas and Kamans started in 2012. 
For the current pseudo civilian government, it is: 
  1. To divert the attention of people from its failures to tackle political and economic crises such as offensive war against Kachin civilians for more than a year, Myitsone Damn crisis, Country-wide protests for electricity, farmers’ demonstrations to get their lands back, labour protests and extreme poverty in the country etc throughout their long reigns- the way the late dictator Ne Win did by creating anti-Chinese violence from 1967 throughout 1970s. 
  2. To Depopularise Daw Aung San Suu Kyi nationally and internationally. 
  3. To gain critically required people supports for the next election in 2015. 
  4. To make foreign-based Burmese media and some foreign media (that have long been damaging them) untrustworthy among the Burmese people. 
  5. To easily militarise Arakan to protect foreign investments benefitting them. 
  6. And to finally be able to crawl back to the previous military dictatorships. 
Why Now? 
  1. As the US has been changing their geo-political strategy towards Asia-Pacific region and South-East Asia to contain China’s rising as the next global power, Burma found itself at the centre US global strategy. So, US has been re-engaging with Burma as it is known to everyone. 
  2. In 2001, US declared “War on Terror” and its war with Talibans and Al-Qaeda. So, it has become easier for every anti-Islamist to brand any Muslim to have connections with either Al-Qaeda or Taliban for his/her respective gains. So, Burmese regime is one of those who want to manipulate “the War on Terror” to persecute innocent Rohingyas because their religion is Islam. 
  3. And with the so-called relaxation of the restrictions on freedom of expression and media in Burma, Rakhine extremists have been promoting anti-Rohingya/anti-Muslim movements nationally and internationally and the brainwashed racists in the country are openly showing their supports towards it. So, it is the perfect opportunity for the regime to implement their plan to commit genocide against Rohingyas and Kamans and gain political advantage out of it. 
For the Rakhine (Magh) extremists, it is because: 
  1. They have been carrying resentment and hatred against Rohingyas and Kamans right from the time of assassination of Indian Prince Shah Shuja by Rakhine King Sanda Sudama in 1661. King Sudama murdered Shah Shuja because he (Shah Shuja) rejected the king’s proposal for one of his daughters in marriage, what Sudama perceived as dishonoring to him. It is said King Sudama abducted the daughter of Shah Shuja, raped and killed her. But Rakhine chronicles concealed the ugly behavior of the king by stating that Shah Shuja was murdered because he tried to conquer the kingdom for himself. 
  2. In 1784, Burman brutal king Maung Waing invaded Arakan. He killed thousands of both Rakhines and Rohingyas, while many were taken as slaves to the Mandalay NayPyiDaw. He destroyed many ancient and cultural monuments of both Rohingyas and Rakhines. He was the first person to seed enmity between Rakhines and Rohingyas. 
  3. Again in 1942, a riot occurred between Rakhines and Rohingyas due to the instigations of some extremist Monks and third parties. During the riot, more than 100,000 Rohingyas were killed and few thousands of Rakhines were killed as well. Before 1942, Rohingyas were more or less equally scattered all over Arakan as Rakhines were. But after that, Rohingyas were driven out and pushed to the two townships known as Buthidaung and Maung Daw. Buthidaung and Maung Daw were the only two townships where Rohingyas could defeat Rakhines and in other 15 townships, Rohingyas were systematically defeated. During the period, Rakhines were in control of the Arakan administration. 
  4. Rohingyas and Kamans have become the major barrier to the Rakhines’ struggle for a separate and independent Rakhine nation to be made up of only Rakhine Buddhists. Rakhines perceive Bamas as equally dangerous enemy as Rohingyas and Kamans. 
Why Now? 
  1. After the election in Burma in 2010, Rakhine extremists from Rakhine National Development Party (RNDP) have gained control of Arakan administration. 
  2. Their separatist armed group called Arkan Liberation Party (ALP) has become stronger. 
  3. Rakhine extremist leaders see the potential in Burmese regime that they want to scapegoat Rohingyas for the political gains. 
  4. Beside, today, Burmese regime shows willingness to make peace trust with ALP at least for show off to the world. 
So, it is the perfect time for Rakhine extremists to get rid of these Rohingya and Kaman barriers. 
Why have Rohingyas become so vulnerable and been easily victimized today? 
After 1942 Rohingya massacre, three groups among Rohingyas emerged. 
  1. A group that no longer believed that they could co-exist with Rakhines and Bamas. They tried to combine Mayu region with the newly formed Pakistan but failed. 
  2. A group that believed that they could exist with them. They opposed combining with Pakistan and happily cooperated with Burmese government. 
  3. A neutral group that would embrace whichever was better. 
However, later years, all Rohingyas came to understand that they could only exist in the Buddhist dominant Burma only when they could take up arms. So they did. An armed-group for Rohingyas’ freedom called Mujahideen emerged. (Note: The term “Mujahideen” becomes an extreme term used for the terrorists or likewise today. Mujahideen is an Arabic term merely meaning “Strugglers.”) But due to the lack of unity and common target among Rohingyas and their cooperation with the freedom-fighting group, the group’s struggle failed and they surrendered to Burmese army in 1961 but with a guarantee that Rohingyas would be full citizenship as well as equal rights. But later years, the Ne Win’s government not only refused to fulfill the promise but also started to persecute Rohingyas more than ever. Therefore, Rohingyas took up arms again in 1980s and their arm-struggling for equal status and rights in Burma was continual until 2000. 
They completely abandoned armed struggling after 2000 and started to wrongly believe that they can gain their freedom and equal status by means of diplomacy and without arm-struggling. To me, it seems that abandoning arms completely is the biggest mistake that Rohingyas have ever made. Have any people in the world’s history gained what they wanted without armed-struggling? Diplomacy bears no fruits without the back-up of an armed-struggling! 
Why Now? 
  1. So, Rohingyas have become poison-less snakes that need not be afraid of. 
  2. They have no friends in Burma but those people who hate them. 
  3. Many middle-eastern Muslim countries have been struggling with their own internal problems. 
  4. Rakhine Buddhists in Bangladesh penetrated its government and the ruling government is always hostile towards Rohingyas. 
  5. Powerful Muslim nations in ASEAN have heavily invested and been investing in Burma and they will not put much pressure on Burmese government to end the killings of Rohingyas and Kamans. 
Therefore, taking everything into consideration, the year 2012 is the perfect time for Bama fascist regime, racist Bamas and terrorist Rakhines to do what they want against these defenseless and helpless peoples called Rohingyas and Kamans.

M.S. Anwar is an activist and student studying Bachelor of Arts in Business Studies at Westminster International College, Malaysia

Burma's displaced Rohingya suffer as aid blocked

Conditions at the Rohingya camp are far worse than at a nearby Rakhine camp (Photo - BBC)

Jonah Fisher
BBC News
December 13, 2012
Six months of sectarian violence has driven more than 100,000 people from their homes in western Burma. 
Rakhine Buddhist and Rohingya Muslim communities that have lived separately for generations are now forcibly segregated. 
Barriers have been erected across roads in the state capital and thousands of Rakhine have had their homes destroyed. 
But its the Rohingya who endure the worst conditions. Rejected as citizens by both Bangladesh and Burma, they continue to be victimised in the camps where they sought shelter.
On Myebon peninsula, south of the Rakhine state capital Sittwe, the double standards are clear. 
Once the site of a daring amphibious raid by Allied troops in the Second World War, the peninsula is now home to two very different refugee camps. 
Just a mile or so apart, they are populated entirely on ethnic lines - one for displaced Buddhists and the other for the Rohingyas. 
Near the centre of town is the smaller of the camps. 
On lush grass thirty five tents bearing the logo of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia stand in ordered rows. This is Kan Thar Htwat Wa, home to 400 Buddhists who have been here since clashes in late October. 
Phu Ma Gyi 's home was burnt down and, with her two daughters, she now shares a tent with three other families. 
"The government is looking after us here," she says. "We have food, medicine and what we need." 
Not far away the Burmese and UN officials who I am travelling with are being shown a table full of medical supplies and bags of rice. It is clear there are no shortages here. 
Blocked deliveries 
A short drive in the back of a truck takes us to the Rohingya camp. On the way we pass by what was the Muslim neighbourhood. 
Now it is completely flattened, with just the outlines of houses still visible on the ground.
Six weeks ago, one of those outlines was the primary school where Khin La May was headmistress. 
"The Rakhine community came with knives and threw stones and sticks," she said. 
So she fled, along with 4,000 other Rohingya to a small mound just outside town. That mound became what is now Taung Paw Camp. 
It is a squalid muddy mess with raw sewage running through its open drains. The tents are ramshackle and the people inside hungry and desperate. 
Aid workers told me this is one of the worst camps in Asia, if not the world. 
Deliveries to both camps on Myebon have to be made by boat, and attempts to get proper sanitation and supplies into Taung Paw have so far been blocked. 
Rakhine Buddhists control the jetty and are refusing to allow aid agencies regular access to the Rohingya camp, thwarting attempts to improve conditions.
It is a scene repeated in other locations in Rakhine. One major aid agency told me obstruction by the Buddhist community was preventing them from doing 90% of their work. 
Given the local objections only the Burmese military could force the aid through. But they have so far refused to do so. 
Instead they stand guard at Taung Paw, stopping the Rohingya leaving to tend their crops (the Rakhine have in their absence taken the fields over). 
Burma's Border Affairs Minister Thein Htay visited both the Myebon camps with us and said that military were keeping the Rohingya inside for their own security. 
The stark difference in conditions was due to the camps being different sizes, he said.
"There is some disturbance by the local people," he said. "In your country does the military always intervene? The Burmese military is not the ruling man. There is the government." 
Better relations 
In Rakhine's urban centres the situation is better. Relations between the authorities and international aid agencies have improved and many of those displaced in June are being moved into better conditions.
As she travelled to both Buddhist and Rohingya camps, the United Nations' top humanitarian official Valerie Amos repeatedly urged reconciliation. 
For now with tensions high that appears a distant goal. 
More money is needed to fund the Rakhine aid operation, Ms Amos said, but it is now up to the Burmese authorities to take a strong stand. 
"The donors have a responsibility because we need more money to really be effective but the government also has a responsibility," she said. 
"They have to take the lead. They have to show the leadership they have to work to bring the communities together. And that work has to start now."

About Me

My photo
Maung daw, Arakan state, Myanmar (Burma)
I am an independent man who voted to humanitarian aid.